Memories are a type of historical memory that is known to selectively preserve and thereby transform historical reality. The phenomenon of historical memory has long been studied by humanitarians (especially intensively since the mid-20th century), which is reflected in numerous publications, including some generalizing works [Melnikova, 2001; Historical Memory..., 2003; Savelyeva and Poletaev, 2003-2006; Assman, 2004; Phenomenon of the Past, 2005; Riker, 2004, etc.]). Important milestones in the study of the properties of human memory were the identification of a diverse vision of the past among different peoples and the connection of this fact with two main historical types of thinking, conventionally called mythological (or "mythopoetic", "archaic", "imaginative", later - "folklore", "traditional ") and historical (or "scientific").- logical ", " modern ") [Levi-Strauss, 1994; Luria, 1974, etc.].
It is known that with the emergence and spread of writing within the first ancient states, a new, "written" culture began to develop, and the "non-written", i.e. oral cultural tradition (with the corresponding mythological thinking) that preceded it gradually faded into the background. However, it was not completely replaced, and in the following millennia both traditions coexisted, so the most important research task was to study their real relationship in different periods and in different countries. For example, historians, literary critics, and linguists who study written monuments have always noted the role of oral creativity in the formation of the written tradition among the peoples of the ancient East and medieval Europe (see, for example, [Freudenberg, 1936; Riftin, 1970; Riftin, 1979; Steblin-Kamensky, 1984; Prozorov, 1980; Gurevich, 1990; Weinberg, 1993; Grinzer, 2008; Filshtinsky, 2010, etc.]). Similar texts of modern and contemporary times, especially those related to the XIX-XX centuries., carefully collected and researched by folklorists, cultural historians, and ethnographers [Propp, 1946; Adrianova-Peretz, 1974; Azbelev, 1982; Panchenko, 1984; Panchenko, 2002; Nikitina, 1993; Putilov, 1994; Egorov, 2000; Chistov, 2005; Varlamov, 2006; Word oral and word book, 2009; Meletinsky, Neklyudov, Novik, 2010; Neklyudov, 2013 et al.]. However, in general, the problem of the correlation between oral and written traditions at each stage of their coexistence has not been sufficiently described, especially in recent decades.
Keywords: oral cultural tradition, mythological thinking, historical thinking, memoirs, Galiya Shakhmukhammad kyzy Karmysheva, life-story.
Oral tradition is multidimensional and manifests itself in various spheres of modern life - not only in folklore and literature, but also in mass and "high" art, everyday life and scientific research. Forms and areas of oral tradition functioning
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in modern culture, it is still not fully defined, although some aspects of the problem are being developed. For example, the impact of new forms of mass communication (the global Internet) on the consciousness of modern people, especially young people, is being studied from different angles [McLuhan, 2005; Krongauz, 2013, etc.]. In the context of globalization, the problem of intercultural communication and mutual understanding of people with different types of thinking is becoming relevant, as psychologists, biologists, and psycholinguists persistently state The characteristic features of the oral tradition among our contemporaries are presented in the works of social anthropologists and ethnographers studying the so-called oral history and autobiography [Vansina, 1985; Biographical method..., 1994; Nurkova, 2000; Oral History..., 2001; Khrestomatiya..., 2003; Istoriya iz lichnosti..., 2005; Melnikova, 2010; Popova, 2012; Rozhdestvenskaya, 2012, etc.]. At first, "oral history" was considered rather utilitarian: it was evaluated only from the point of view of specific historical or socio-cultural reliability, which, of course, is important, but incomplete. It was only later that a compromise was formed, according to which traditions (or other elements of oral tradition) not only reflect historical reality, but are themselves the most important components of the cultural complex under study.
As a result of all these investigations, it became obvious that the historical memory that has come down to us in oral form is very different from its written presentation, primarily by the principles of describing and evaluating the same episodes or periods of history. In essence, these are two ways of seeing the past, due not just to the social and psychological individuality of each of the authors, but to a deeper reason - the specifics of their thinking. In this regard, an urgent research task is to analyze the peculiarities of the perception of the past among some of our contemporaries and compatriots who were born and brought up in the conditions of the dominance of the traditional type of culture, and then, due to external circumstances, were forced to dramatically change their usual way of life (for example, to move from a mono-ethnic rural environment to a multi-ethnic city, etc.). accordingly, a new way of thinking was gradually perceived, and their consciousness changed. The study of the peculiarities (specifics) of the consciousness of people of this socio-cultural type is still relevant, and it is in this perspective that the book of memoirs of Galia Shakhmukhammad kyzy Karmysheva (1888-1971) with the not too expressive title "On the History of the Tatar Intelligentsia (1890-1930) is considered below. Memoirs" [Karmysheva, 2004].
The author of the memoirs is a simple Tatar woman, the mother of a large family that belonged to a very respected social stratum in Muslim society - the people's intelligentsia. Among the relatives of Galia-Khanim were hereditary imams of mosques, mullahs, teachers, clerks, merchants, clerks and other educated people who studied in madrasas, knew Eastern languages, and traveled a lot. Women in such families were also taught literacy and languages, so it was not by chance that two well - known Soviet researchers of Central Asian ethnography, J. H. and B. H. Karmyshevs, the daughters of Galia-khanim, later emerged from this environment. In the 1990s, Balkhis Khalilovna Karmysheva (hereinafter-B. Kh.), with whom I was well acquainted, prepared my mother's manuscript for publication, but, unfortunately, did not live to see it published.
In the preface to the book, the executive editor S. S. Gubaeva draws readers ' attention to the author's human and literary talent. Despite the considerable volume of the essay (about 25 p.l.), it is easy to read and interesting, perhaps partly due to the fact that "the relaxed, sometimes childishly direct narration gives the impression that you are talking with the author... and this conversation gives off a sense of warmth and comfort." The author of the preface considers the main advantage of the book to be the reconstruction of a wide panorama of the life of the multinational population, including the Tatar one, in the cities of Semirechye, Kuldzha, Moscow, Andijan, Osh, and others
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cities of Turkestan in the first third of the XX century "On the example of one family and its environment, the formation of a new Tatar intelligentsia is shown - which is especially interesting for historians and ethnographers" [ibid., pp. 3-5].
This is perfectly true, but it is only one familiar view of the book as a source from which the researcher draws the individual facts he needs. In fact, I was first introduced to the manuscript of the book back in the 1990s for a similar purpose: B. H. kindly gave me one of the typewritten copies of her mother's memoirs, finding useful some references to the rituals, festivals, etiquette and superstitions of the Uighurs of Xinjiang, which I was doing at that time. The manuscript did contain interesting ethnographic material, but even then I was struck by some of its features (if not to say oddities). The text was almost solid, without any paragraphs or other divisions, and accordingly there was no table of contents; all this left the impression of an essay that was not fully prepared for publication. Only later did it become clear that these external signs were closely related to the content of the text, although somewhat unusual, sometimes even strange for the modern reader. So, gradually, another possible angle of reading this book came to the fore - textual.
The story of the text published in the book is as follows. The author, Galia-khanym, conceived the idea of writing her memoirs at the end of her life and, according to her daughter, wrote them down for several years in Tatar in Arabic graphics - a simple "ink" pencil in thin student notebooks. After her death, the closest friend of the Karmyshev family, F. H. Mukhamedieva, at the request of her daughter, made a careful line-by-line translation, accurately copying the structure of the text of Galia herself. Only later, when preparing the manuscript for publication, B. H. herself selected large fragments of the text and came up with names for these "chapters" to help the reader navigate the geography and sequence of events ("In Yarkent", "In Kulja", "Again in Kulja", etc.). Then, together with the editor of the publishing house they divided the solid text into semantic paragraphs and added the necessary notes and glossary. Thus, all the external oddities of the memoirs, which at first made them difficult to read and perceive, were partially removed, but even after that the content originality of the text remained and, since it was not accidental, required explanations. This is exactly what this article is about.
* * *
Memoirs are a diverse genre, the nature of each essay depends on the author's intentions: what exactly did he find important, worthy of remembering, and for whom, for what was this book written? The addressee of memoirs, as you know, can be a narrow circle of relatives and friends, and the entire reading society, and even the author himself in his old age. In this case, everything is quite definite: according to B. Kh., Galiya-khanym considered it her moral duty to record these memories and tell about her family history. Her words: "It has always been considered a great blessing for our people to remember the good deeds of their ancestors, and I hope our descendants as well... they will be able to remember us for our good deeds " [ibid., p. 276].
In accordance with the author's intentions, memoirs can also attract the reader - sometimes by mentioning previously unknown facts, then by an artistic manner of presentation, then by cultural and philosophical author's comments. But everywhere, to a greater or lesser extent, there is a personality and image of the author. Sometimes the narrative focuses specifically on his biography or on the lives of people around him of a certain stratum of society, sometimes an attempt is made to reproduce the spiritual, or intellectual and emotional, atmosphere of an entire era, often accompanied by the author's reflections on the past. In other words, in one way or another, one way or another, but the author of a memoir
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it always shows up clearly in the text. Not so-in the considered" memoirs " of Karmysheva.
In the center of her story is the family, however, not in the modern sense (husband, children, parents), but in the traditional sense, which includes a wide range of relatives, sisters, brothers, daughters-in-law, nephews, brothers-in-law, foster children and long-term "assistants" who have actually become family members, and even friends and relatives. neighbors - all those with whom we shared the hardships and joys of these years. Thus, the main "hero" is a collective actor, and the author's actualized role inherent in typical memoirs is categorically absent in this book. Galiya-khanym tells little about herself, but the reader himself easily creates the image of a woman who patiently endured the hardships that fell to her lot and found a worthy way out of any situation, who was able to stand up for herself and her family, a person with a huge life experience that testifies to intelligence, courage and a huge concentration of will on one goal - survive and save the kids. However, it is more important for us now that this text also contains other, indirect information.
Characteristic features of the text of G. S. Karmysheva's book are the author's choice of the subject of memories and the very structure of the description, which are not immediately realized.
After the above-mentioned editing of the original manuscript, the text of the book still consisted of a series of short stories or just mentions, which even at first glance were not always connected by a causal relationship. There is a common plot of memories - the family's wanderings from the Volga region to Turkestan, Xinjiang and Central Asia, then to Moscow and again to Turkestan, but there is no usual intrigue of the story-with the beginning, climax and conclusion. This "plotless" presentation looks like a free flow of "pictures" from the past, most of all resembling a spontaneous oral story.
Almost every page of the book alternates messages about micro-events, rarely directly related to each other in meaning, but more often they are united by the author's associative will, since they are assigned to approximately the same time and place.
In this context, the choice of the "subject" of memories is especially important. Most often, we are presented with descriptions of constant moving and settling families in new places; they are replaced by reports of large and small everyday events (illnesses, deaths, weddings, births of children, etc.); finally, all this is interspersed with seasonal pictures of nature and stories about regular calendar and Muslim rituals. Against this background of intense pulsation of everyday life, one does not immediately notice the absence of descriptions of any socially significant events, political and social storms and upheavals of the 1920s and 1940s. The author's focus is always on specific situations and specific people. It is quite obvious that most of all she was occupied with the everyday life and holidays of everyday life with its simple, measured rhythm.
To illustrate the nature of such a story, you can refer to any page, for example, p. 247 (Karmysheva, 2004). The first paragraph mentions a girl who suddenly fell ill and was not taken to visit because of this; the next paragraph says that her mother returned and cured her; the third paragraph says that she was taken to the hospital.: "Later, Grandma... she gave me a welcome back"; the fourth: about a conversation on one of the long evenings with a local mullah... about his unfulfilled dreams to go to Turkey with his relatives. And then (p. 248): "During our stay in the village, the nights were bright", i.e. a completely new twist of the story... However, sometimes the description of some small family event still takes up a whole page or two (p. 250-251): the family is preparing to leave, the neighbors are seeing them off, the grandmother said: "We need to treat the guests..." and then detailed recipes for prepared dishes, pies and tea, a story about the table set, about the fun and jokes of the audience, etc. [ibid., pp. 247-251].
The most striking events were undoubtedly various seasonal holidays, especially spring holidays, and the most important dates of the Muslim calendar. So, mentions
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the months of Ramadan, the time of fasting, occur repeatedly in the book, and they naturally have many repetitions. To understand why the author does this, it makes sense to take a closer look at how exactly she talks about them. First, the traditional rituals and festival of this month are described without any explanation, because the author appeals to his (Muslim) environment and is sure that comments are unnecessary. Secondly, each description or just mention of a ritual element or everyday routine during the Ramadan fast in the text of the book is always specific, connected with a specific place. For example, it is reported that in the first week of fasting, a procession with lanterns and a boat was held in Kulja; there is nothing like this in the subsequent descriptions of another Ramadan that happened a year or two later, but other local details of its conduct are indicated.
Numerous family celebrations, weddings, funerals, and the birth of children are presented in the book in a similar way: each time it is not a generalized ethnographic description of the rite or ceremony, but an episode from the family's life in a specific place [ibid., pp. 97-98, 164, 171, etc.]. That is why entire lists of names are quite appropriate here recipes of festive dishes, and a list of items of dowry of a particular bride and a return gift of a particular groom [ibid., pp. 166-168] - everything that was considered important for observing folk custom and corresponded to local etiquette. Surprisingly, the apparent redundancy of such information, in my opinion, is gradually perceived as something natural, as a necessary element of the other, traditional life that we are being told about.
In the text of the book, attention is drawn to periodically occurring lists of names (for example, people who came to the send-off or wedding). It is common for us to assume that a person named by name will be involved in some way in the rest of the story, but this rule does not apply in the text under consideration, and most of the people mentioned in such lists do not appear in the future. We can only assume that the fact of naming a person from the past is important for the author first of all - perhaps this is not only a familiar, but also a magical way to preserve the memory of him (see below).
Another unusual and fundamental feature of the text under consideration is the almost complete absence of evaluative author's judgments.
When referring to the famine of the 1930s in Turkestan, the mass migrations to oases of steppe Kazakhs who were deprived of livestock by the Soviet government and died of starvation in Central Asian cities, Galiya-khanim does not stop at descriptions of horrors, does not talk about dozens of poor people dying in the streets; she only casually mentions one emaciated boy who has already died of hunger. he could not walk by himself and only crawled up to their gate every morning, and she gave him part of the brew prepared for her own children [Karmysheva, 2004, p.439]. Or he gives a fascinating story about seeing off an elderly relative at the railway station, who fled from hunger to visit her relatives in a neighboring region, and about a small bag of oatmeal that Galiya-khanym put in her way at the last minute and which, as it turned out much later, saved this woman from starvation [ibid., pp. 434-436].
Usually, any memories, especially female ones, are full of various descriptions of feelings. Galia-khanym's book is the exact opposite, it is unusually restrained, strict, "neutral" in its depiction of the past, and this, I believe, is not accidental. From a temporary distance (already at the end of life) - it simply calls up different" pictures " of the past and binds them together at its own will. Such a structure and character of the statement-without generalizations and value judgments - are principled and stable, and are observed even in very short episodes.
Here is one example of a critical situation: Galia's husband was arrested by the NKVD, and she was asked to leave Moscow with her children in three days (!) [ibid., p. 416]. It is told about this in a few sentences, very calmly, even distantly. Apparently, if-
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what happened was perceived as trials sent from above, which a person must overcome with dignity in order to survive... Experience and upbringing told Galia-khanym that it is impossible to achieve this alone, only together with relatives, friends, and fellow countrymen, whose help, however,does not cancel out her personal efforts of will. In this attitude of life, perhaps, lies the main moral core of the entire work, its main statement, a message to posterity-readers. In fact, it is directly opposite to the prevailing Soviet state ideology at that time: people were taught that everything family, kinship, and personal was secondary, marginal, and unimportant. But this book is hardly a conscious protest of the author, rather a manifestation of her deep worldview, a religious and family "life philosophy" learned from childhood. Therefore, it is clear why the creation of this book was an internal need of Galia-khanim: she was clearly motivated not so much by the desire to "leave a memory of herself", but to capture in her story (in accordance with her worldview) "how it really was" and pass on to posterity, along with information about the past, her life credo-moral principles taken in the family even in his youth (although, to pay tribute to the author, there is no hint of any straightforward didactics in the book).
Another characteristic feature and at the same time unusual (in modern opinion), "strange" of the text under consideration is the author's treatment of time, consciously or unconsciously presented in the text. First of all, stories very often do not follow the strict chronological sequence of the episodes described, the mention of some incident or character may be followed by a "memory in memory", etc.But the main thing is different-everything that happens is not dated at all, time seems to remain in the shadows, is not emphasized... At the same time, throughout the book are scattered descriptions or references to numerous goodbyes and meetings, weddings and births of children, illnesses and receptions of guests, in a word, various everyday events. We usually link them to specific calendar dates, but this is not the case here, but as we read the book, we gradually begin to realize that all these references and repetitions are not random.
In this respect, small passages with descriptions of nature are particularly revealing and prominent. But even before that, the reader constantly comes across phrases in the text like "it's cold again, early winter has come"," warm summer has come again"," another spring has come", "it was cold, late autumn", "winter is behind us", etc. - and as a result, the feeling comes not just from the current time, but its cyclical nature and repeatability. There are also direct descriptions of nature in the text, corresponding to numerous trips, picnics, open-air holidays, etc.; they are usually concise, but they stand out very intonationally. Against the general background of a kaleidoscope of everyday life stories with a rather dispassionate style of presentation, these passages about nature stand out very much: they are full of such restrained admiration and a sense of belonging to Nature, God's creation, that the reader involuntarily has associations not just with pictures outside everyday life, but even with a different reality. Such pages, on the one hand, characterize, of course, the personality of the author, but, on the other hand, precisely because of their stylistic relief, they also - along with family, calendar and religious ceremonies and rituals-play the most important role in the structure of the text as rhythmic, time markers. With their help, the initial impression of looseness and randomness of the presented memories gradually disappears, and a measured, rhythmic, calendar flow of time with its most important everyday and natural milestones unfolds before the reader.
This peculiar principle of chronology is unlikely to be used intentionally by the author; it naturally dominates the book of Galiya-khanym. Recalling various episodes of her life, she never focuses on anything special (from our point of view). The milestones she mentions and the frequent repetitions give the story a rhythm and thus seem to move the reader to that past life, when, it would seem, ordinary-
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major events (birth, death, spring, children, rebirth of nature, etc.) were considered major, while social catastrophes and political upheavals were considered transitory. Such a peculiar way of structuring the text of a book is, of course, unusual for the modern reader, because it reflects the special worldview of a person of traditional culture, which formed the consciousness of the author of the book (cf. [Shatsky, 1990, pp. 292-293]).
* * *
The above-mentioned features (even oddities from the modern point of view) of the Galia-khanim text require all possible comments. The simplest explanation of them by referring to the genre specifics of memoir literature turned out to be unproductive in practice: G. S. Karmysheva's memoirs quite clearly differ from ordinary books of this genre. To make sure of this, it is enough to compare them with the generalizing results of the analysis of various kinds of memoirs, biographical and diary works by literary critics, philologists, psychologists and folklorists (see, for example: [Biographical method..., 1994; Tartakovsky, 1999; Nurkova, 2000; Borovikova et al., 2004; History through personality..., 2005; Popova, 2012] and others). In order to understand the nature of the revealed textual features of the book under consideration, it is advisable to compare them with ethnographic information about the characteristic customs and customs of the traditional life of Muslims in Russia and Turkestan in the first half of the XX century.
Researchers of the genre of memoirs, taking into account different criteria, distinguish many of their varieties, but for us it is important to identify two main possible strategies for any narrative: the more popular narrative and the less common descriptive. The first involves the author's selection of the most striking, extraordinary or rare, unusual events in the past; in such works, a specific case or character is described, then events around them develop, the reader easily follows them - the plot appears. Descriptively constructed memories are dominated by descriptions of the most ordinary, ordinary, typical, characteristic, recurring events and episodes; at the same time, the general situation is presented in summary, but with emphasis on vivid, precise details of what is happening; and time in such texts is present somewhere in the background [Borovikova et al., 2004, pp. 352-354; cf.: Lotman, 1987, pp. 3-11].
According to this classification, the book of Galia-khanym, of course, belongs to the second type - to descriptive memoir texts, and this already partly explains many of its features mentioned above. However, the same principle of description is inherent in many works of the oral (folklore) tradition (including those already recorded in writing), which gives reason and the right to look at Galia-khanim's memoirs as a statement that is inherently close to oral.
Ordinary memoirists are people of written culture who have the skills of a literary word and have modern logical thinking. Their goals may be different (to create their own "life line", present an era or convey the "spirit of the past tense" , etc.), but in any case, the main thing is to build a logical, cause-and-effect, convincing narrative. Another thing is oral memories constructed by the author according to the laws and principles of oral tradition. Here the plot is not so relevant (the most general plot is enough), but something else is important - to tell (or mention) the most important thing - about the ordinary, everyday life of dear or just good people, but most of them have already died, to name them, to remind them of their actions or words in this or that situation (obviously, not by chance). In Galia-Khanym's memoirs, there are virtually no villains or villains: she mentions them casually, without naming them). Perhaps the main function of such texts is to remember, and exact dates are absolutely irrelevant for remembering, and the very events of these people's lives (individual micro-episodes of the book) are meaningful
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they may not be connected in any way, but they are nevertheless bound together by the author's memory. As a result, the text organized and structured in such an unusual way (for us) conveys to the reader a special - not logical (in the conventional sense), but definitely a complete idea of the world surrounding the author in the past.
The affinity of the text under consideration with the oral sphere of language and culture is indirectly indicated by the completely colloquial way of describing any episode of the book. The author records either specific actions: "he was digging in the garden", "they decided that", "when we parted, we gave each other gifts", " on the eve of the Mullah's departure... he gathered us together and we went to the cemetery" [Karmysheva, 2004, p. 252], or acts of speaking: "he said", "told", "she spoke", "answered", "paused", etc. Verbs are often followed by indirect or even direct speech, there are many dialogues in the book in general [ibid., pp. 94-97] or paraphrases: "When Haji Hala came in, her stories would drag on. And that's exactly what I needed: I prefer to listen... Her stories were not boring" [ibid., p. 415]. This is the external manner of the author's presentation, close to an oral story. But this, of course, is not the main thing.
It should be noted that the very concept of oral tradition has not yet been unambiguously defined: some limit it only to the sign of an oral way of storing and transmitting an utterance, while others tend to have a broader and deeper interpretation, pointing to the features of peculiar thinking or the so-called traditional consciousness among the carriers of the oral tradition. Folklorists, musicologists, and cultural scientists do this more than others, studying for a long time and from different angles, for example, the ratio of oral and written traditions in different genres of literature and music.
So, in science, there is already a whole direction of studying oral autobiographical stories - people's memories of their daily lives, the so-called personal narrative, life-story (personal stories, life stories) and other types of oral memoirs. These oral prose non-folklore texts have a number of characteristics. These include, for example, such signs as: schematism in the presentation of events; a tendency to idealize the mentioned people and their actions; periodic repetitions of episodes similar in content, cyclical perception of time; frequent use of the bricolage technique ("gluing" a narrative line from individual stories that in real life were not necessarily connected); finally, a characteristic (and often unconscious) substitution of personal experience by collective, i.e. generally accepted ideas [Nikitina, 1993; Khrestomatiya, 2003, p. 322-355; Varlamov, 2006; Neklyudov, 2009; Neklyudov, 2013; Tolstaya, 2009; Meletinsky et al., 2010; Melnikova, 2010]. Researchers often consider the complex of these features inherent in oral biographies, memoirs, and oral forms of communication in general as a typical external embodiment of traditional ("folklore") consciousness (cf.: [Adonyeva, 2004; Obolenskaya, 2004; Chistov, 2005; Neklyudov, 2009; Tolstaya, 2009; Meletinsky et al., 2010]).
Signs and symptoms of oral memoir prose, as can be seen, largely coincide with the above-mentioned stable features of the book of memoirs under consideration. I should note, however, that Galiya-khanym was a modern-minded person, just like the people around her, but her mind obviously retained the features of traditional thinking inherent in the oral tradition, and they were clearly manifested in the memoirs she wrote.
I suppose these features of Galia-khanym's memoirs were not specific to her personal way of thinking. For example, the desire to name numerous relatives and family friends by name (see above) could be considered a personal inclination of the author, but the same thing is found in the memoirs of other people (in the short memoirs of Khalil Karmyshev, Galia's husband, and F. H. Mukhamedieva, translator and family friend [Karmyshev, 2004, pp. 443-487]). Apparently, the enumeration of names in these memoirs - traces of a stable practice, characteristic of the past.
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not only to these particular people, but also to the way of life of the entire nation in the late 19th and first half of the 20th centuries.
Genealogical legends and folk traditions about the origin and history of one's own family, tribe, people or region, city, village were widely used by many peoples, including Muslims. The tradition of compiling tribal genealogies from ancient times existed among the Turks and Mongols. It is established that their genealogies (shezhere, or taira, tarikh), very different in form and content, originally existed in oral form and were the result of collective creativity of many generations. But already in the Middle Ages they began to be recorded, then codified, and in this form they formed the basis of all the most famous historical works of medieval Turkic and Mongolian authors [Vladimirtsov, 1934, p. 46; Petrushevsky, 1952, p. 27; Kononov, 1958, p. 20, 25; Kuzeev, 1971; Mazitov, 2012, etc.].
Oral and written genealogies initially played a huge role in the spiritual and moral life of Muslims in Russia and Turkestan. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, such stories about ancestors, clan leaders, and heroes of the past could be heard in every home along with retelling or reading collections of hadith (parts of the Sunnah, the oral tradition of Muslims about the Prophet Muhammad). combined with simple ("folk") lithographs on Islamic mythology. The knowledge acquired from childhood during family readings and conversations became the basis for ethnocultural identification of people and contributed to their ethnic consolidation. But in addition to the direct veneration of legendary or historical ancestors, the meaning of these shezhere (genealogies) was also to convey to young people the traditional values and norms of behavior that dominated their native culture.
The book of Galia-khanim is certainly not a genealogical legend, first of all it is the fruit of personal, not collective creativity, but the very motivation of its creation (to preserve the memory of the family's past for posterity) and the ways of presenting the material are just in line with such a popular tradition. And the habit of naming deceased relatives and family members by their first names is genetically and functionally quite consistent with the rule of Muslim piety - to honor the memory of ancestors not only ritually and prayerfully, but also simply by telling children about them and saying their names aloud, actually remembering them.
The peculiar rhythmic structure of the book of Galiya-khanym, mentioned above, is due to its inherent perception of time - the idea of the cyclical nature of everything that happens, the stability and stability of a repeating, reviving circle of life. At the same time, this property serves as a vivid manifestation of the traditional consciousness of Galia-khanim, the book really reflects her worldview. For the author, it seems, what is important is not the analysis and especially not the assessment of events that once occurred, but something else - a connecting effort, recreating from memory a mosaic, but in its own way a whole picture or image of the Past. This "going back to the past", to another virtual reality (which is still partly present in the author's mind), as a result, is transformed into a living, oral statement, only recorded on paper.
* * *
Thus, the analysis of memories allows us to assign them to a special category of texts - to oral prose statements of the non-folklore type. If folklore works themselves are always traditional both in form and content, and this is clearly manifested already externally (for example, in the stereotyped and "formulaic" language), then in a non-folklore oral utterance such external signs may be completely absent (as in our case), but the internal attitude to tradition is clearly visible in it. In this case, it is embodied in the emphasis on the forms and norms of traditional life, on the oba characteristic of the local culture.-
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teas, performances, customs, beliefs, festivals and rituals. By the way, not all readers are able to accept and appreciate the importance of such facts of everyday life, but only people from the author's inner circle, the audience is quite limited, for which this book was originally intended (not counting interested researchers).
In such non-folklore texts, which are internally oriented to the oral tradition, it is not so much the stereotypical form of speech that is reproduced, but rather a deeper property of the oral tradition-the attitude to stereotypical forms of life [Adonyeva, 2004, p. 16]. Descriptions or references to such forms of traditional life, which were still preserved in the multiethnic Muslim environment of Russia and the USSR in the first half of the XX century, on the one hand, constitute the main content of the book and at the same time essentially structure the entire text, and on the other hand, they naturally express the author's worldview, elements of her traditional consciousness. The existence of this type of specific texts - with traces of the traditional consciousness of the author - is quite common, due to many historical reasons and factors. Ignoring the specifics of oral works, although already written down, leads to the fact that some incomprehensible, but in fact misunderstood parts of the text are imperceptibly replaced by our own ideas (naturally, they seem more logical and normal to us) and thus lead researchers away from the real understanding of the source.
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