The article deals with the functioning of the sector of Islamic goods and services in Dagestan's urban space and the popular practices of consumption. It describes and analyzes various aspects of Islamic business: operation of the halal market, the sector of women's clothing, advertising strategies. Special attention is given to the issue of the hijab, its symbolic meaning, and its role in women's social life. The problem of Islamic consumption is viewed through the prism of the commodification of Islam, which affects both religious practices and the local economy. An intensive appeal to Islam in the city's social and economic space is not so much a sign of Islamic radicalization as it is a choice of cultural references in the society and the quest for new behavioral patterns. The emergence of new consumer attitudes puts before Dagestani society a problem of choice between European standards and a new identity - belonging to global Islamic civilization. The article draws upon the author's field materials of 2011-2015.

Keywords: Islam in Dagestan, religious practices, commodification, halal market.

In the POST-Soviet period, Islam is given a significant place in the public life of Dagestan, and the individual's religiosity and forms of its expression are becoming one of the most relevant topics in the discussions of various communities. This trend is particularly pronounced in the urban pro-

Kapustina E. [The Market of Islamic goods and services in Dagestan: Consumer Practices and public Discussions]. Gosudarstvo, religiya, tserkva v Rossii i za rubezhom [State, Religion, Church in Russia and abroad]. 2016. N2. pp. 176-202.

Kapustina, Ekaterina (2016) "The Market of Muslim Goods and Services in Dagestan: Practices of Consumption and Public Debates", Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom 34(2): 176-202.

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This is a country where urban and modern life strategies co-exist and are often closely interlinked with religious revival and, in some cases, Islamic radicalism.

Over the past two decades, Dagestani cities have experienced reactive socio-cultural and economic processes; as a result of active migration from the mountains to the plain and from cities outside the republic, the composition of the population, primarily in Makhachkala, has significantly changed; cultural and economic orientations have changed in the course of changing economic strategies and social ideology of Dagestanis.1 Almost everywhere, national projects that were actively developed in the republic in the 1990s have given way to others based on religiosity / arereligiosity2, and sometimes it is the option of religiosity that becomes an important element for forming the identity of various groups of the urban population. This is due to the ethnic diversity of Dagestan society and the impact of the global Islamization process on the republic and the North Caucasus region as a whole.

This article will address questions about the place of Islam in the economy of the republic, as well as - through the consumer strategies of Muslims - about the impact of religion on the social life of Dagestan society. Attention will be paid to the behavioral practices of Dagestani residents of Makhachkala (since the vast majority of my field materials received in 2011, 2014 and 2015 relate specifically to the capital of Dagestan), appealing to Islam, as well as the peculiarities of the mechanism of consumption of goods and services labeled in religious terms or using Islamic symbols and included in the Islamic discourse of the capital.

The local "Islamic industry" itself is characterized by relative youth (it is obvious that its appearance coincides with the beginning of the post-Soviet era) and rapid development. Now

1. For more information about this process, see Kapustina E. L. Rural sketches to the urban landscape: transformation of urban space in the context of migration processes in Dagestan and rural communities in Makhachkala at the beginning of the XXI century / / Caucasian city: potential of ethno-cultural relations in the urban environment. St. Petersburg: MAE RAS, 2013, pp. 111-175.

2. For more information about national movements in Dagestan, see E. F. Kisriev, Nationality and Political process in Dagestan. Makhachkala: DNC RAS Publishing House, 1998.

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in the cities of the republic, you can see countless shops, from large supermarkets to small shops, offering religious literature, video and audio recordings of sermons, prayer mats, rosaries, skullcaps, that is, all those goods that can be conditionally called Islamic. In addition to attributes that are directly intended for religious purposes, such stores also offer related products that may not directly relate to Islam, but will be associated with it3.

Among the Russian cities perceived as the "territory of Islam" (Kazan, Ufa, the capitals of almost all the North Caucasian republics, other cities of Dagestan), the case of Makhachkala is special. On the one hand, Islam in Dagestan has long been, and certainly still is, the religion of the majority.4 On the other hand, the Soviet period can be called a period of forced secularism, although Islam did not completely disappear, but remained practically only in the private sphere, disappearing from the public sphere. Since the 1990s, in the context of the emergence of religious freedom, society has had to solve many issues related to religiosity, including how to consume goods related to the religious sphere or perceived as part of worship. In addition, Makhachkala, like other cities of the country where Muslims live, is influenced by global Islamic trends-both at the level of ideas and at the level of things. In this case, the Makhachkala case is a sin-

3. It should be emphasized that in this text I do not intend to deal with the specifics of the interpretation of dogmas of faith, because here we will talk about the practices and declarations of a particular community, which almost always will not coincide with the normative religious prescriptions.

4.I will deliberately avoid using the word "traditional" here, since the degree of traditionality is a debatable value. In addition, the phrase "traditional Islam" in Dagestan already has an extensive historiography in connection with the discussion of various variations of worship in modern conditions, in particular, the contradictions between the so-called Salafis and supporters of Tariqa Islam. All these concepts are vulnerable due to the intense polemics in the public sphere and in scientific discussions about both the terminology and the peculiarities of different branches of Islam in the republic. For more information, see Sokolov D. V. Islam as a political factor / / Vedomosti. 20.07.2015. [https://www.vedomosti.ru/opinion/articles/2015/07/20/601229-islam-kak-politicheskii-faktor access from 01.03.2016]; Starodubrovskaya I. V. Skazka o khalifate i pravda o terrorizme [The Tale of the Caliphate and the Truth about Terrorism]. [http://polit.ru/article/2013/11/21/Caucasus/, accessed from 01.03.2016]; Byurchiev B. How the word in the Caucasus will respond / / <url>.18.01.2014 [http://kavpolit.com/articles/kak_slovo_na_kavkaze_otzovetsja-46/, accessed from 01.03.2016].

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This is a classic case study when it comes to a city with a Muslim majority that reworks global trends in the Islamic market, but at the same time - a neophyte city that only "discovers" this market and at the local level, re-learns how to consume goods that can be labeled as Islamic. This is similar to the situation in European cities, where Muslim diasporas began to consume such goods relatively recently, and where this consumption is sometimes declarative in nature and is associated with relevant and new variations of religious identity for the entire urban society.

Often, both researchers and informants tend to present or declare "life in Islam", i.e. various Islamic everyday practices, as a moral and spiritual-oriented path, far from the conventionally "Western" path associated with a society of consumption, hedonism, and even debauchery. However, a number of experts insist on the existence of an Islamic model of consumerism, and the analysis of various forms of commodification of Islam confirms this thesis.5 Here, commodification will refer to the process by which an increasing number of different human activities acquire monetary value and effectively become commodities.6 The article will give examples of such commodification practices in Dagestan public culture. And although similar processes are taking place in other Muslim regions of Russia, it is the capital of Dagestan that demonstrates the brightness and mass character of this phenomenon and even to some extent becomes a trendsetter here.

Islamic business

Observing the growth of companies that appeal to Islam in their business, we have to admit that now this is one of the most popular business strategies in the republic. As a rule, we are talking about trade in goods that can be labeled as Islamic,

5. Navaro-Yashin, Y. (2002) Faces of the State: Secularism and Public Life in Turkey, p. 79. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

6. Abercrombie N., Hill S., Turner B. S. Sotsiologicheskiy slovar ' [Sociological Dictionary], Moscow, 2004. [http://sociological_dictionary.academic.ru, accessed from 01.03.2016].

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although production is also developing in a similar way, primarily in the field of food and clothing tailoring.

As an example of a successful player in this field, we can mention the very well-known and large holding of Islamic goods "Risalat", which includes a men's clothing store, a women's clothing store, a Miyasat restaurant, an atelier, a cookery, as well as a taxi and furniture salon. The holding is affiliated and actually organized by the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Dagestan (hereinafter-DUMD), which evaluates its products for compliance with the norms of Islam. It is declared that the profit is paid to the Dagestan Islamic University (also opened under the auspices of the Duma). In addition to products related to worship, Risalat also sells many other products, such as cosmetics and perfumes. Popular products include shampoos and other face and body care products based on black cumin, antimony and henna. Cosmetics are usually produced in Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Syria, and other Middle Eastern countries (except Israel, of course). The large number of imported goods from these countries is explained not only by the fact that products related to worship and generally permissible for Muslims are produced there in large quantities, but also by the fact that suppliers obviously trust local Islamic goods. At the same time, according to my observations, a shampoo based on black cumin, sold in the store, can be released in Thailand, but here it is important for the buyer that it is Islamic theologians who pay attention to the healing properties of black cumin. On the shelves there are also so-called oriental sweets.

I note that, according to my observations, it is specific Islamic products - Arabic perfumes, pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, the use of which or components for which are approved in Islam, have become particularly widespread. For example, products that were previously exotic for Dagestan and known only to graduates of Middle Eastern universities, such as sets for hijama - bloodletting, sivak - a stick for brushing teeth, and black cumin oil - a universal remedy for diseases, are actively gaining market share.

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The names of stores and companies dealing in Islamic goods often contain references to the Arab world (for example, the company Arabian Secrets, which will be discussed later). At the same time, in my opinion, such names should be seen not as orientalist tendencies, but rather as an appeal to Muslim countries, which are important here as expert platforms specifically in matters of Islam, on the grounds that they are close to the "ancestral homeland of Islam" culturally and geographically, the Islamic tradition in these countries has not been interrupted, and to some extent, the state ideology in some of them is associated with this religion. For example, recently in the city there was a "boutique of Arab perfumery" (as indicated in the name), which primarily presents perfume brands from Arab countries. However, they sell perfume not only on oil, but also on an alcohol basis. When asked about the permissibility of the latter for Muslims, the seller replied that many Islamic scholars came to the conclusion that alcohol evaporates from the skin and, therefore, it is possible to use spirits on alcohol. Then he added that they are made in Saudi Arabia, that is, if they produce such perfumes themselves, then this certainly meets the norms of Islam. In another store, the oil-based perfume is called "Islamic perfume".

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In the field of sports and leisure, projects that appeal to Islam are also offered, moreover, some of them base the demand for their products on this. For example, the recent appearance of the Archer crossbow and bow shop may at first glance be related to the development of archery as a sport or interest in this type of weapon for hunting purposes. However, it is worth noting that, first of all, this store is located in the immediate vicinity of the Juma Mosque, in the building where the aforementioned Risalat is also located (it obviously belongs to the Archer). The store's slogan is "Enliven the Sunnah" on business cards, and the advertising brochure tells the hadith that archery is the best entertainment for a Muslim. In 2014, Risalat, together with the Ministry of Sports of the Republic of Dagestan, organized the Republican Archery Tournament "Revive the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad"in different districts of Dagestan. If we take into account that archery was not popular in Dagestan until now, and this store appeared only a couple of years ago, then we can see the formation of demand for new products precisely through the positioning of this sport as a encouraged entertainment for Muslims. Interestingly, according to one of my informants, crossbows and bows are now considered a good status gift (for example, such gifts can be given to officials and guests of honor), because, in his opinion, there is a hadith about the end of time, when only bows and crossbows will remain of all weapons.

In the context of the popularization of entertainment prescribed to Muslims, horse racing has also received a new development, while the appeal again goes to the hadiths that approve of them. It should be noted, however, that in some areas of Dagestan horse racing has been loved and practiced for a long time, but only recently their conduct in some areas is marked as a praiseworthy event for a Muslim.

The service sector is also guided by Islamic prescriptions. There are 7 halal hairdressers in the city, where men are served by male masters. According to my observations, the restaurant business has not yet offered the city community "women's cafes", but there is already a"women's beach" not far from Makhachkala. Advertising for a regular bath may contain a warning "ha-

7. Halal-Arabic, permissible for Muslims, unlike Haram-forbidden.

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ram is forbidden" (so that the institution for relaxation and purification of the body is not confused with saunas - in Dagestan, they are actually synonymous with brothels). Even institutions that almost do not hide their "brothel" profile appeal to Islam: in Makhachkala, there are several institutions where men enter into "temporary marriages" with women for one night. Naturally, the Duma, as well as many citizens, criticize such practices, but judging by the discussions in social networks, there is also a positive attitude towards them in society as a step towards a righteous life on the part of both "spouses".

There are attempts to introduce the norms of Islam in the financial sphere. La Riba-Finance Partnership on Faith (this is how the organization is called on the official website 8) offers customers loans and goods in installments without interest, while observing the rule of non-permissiveness of interest-bearing transactions, and provides consulting services for Muslims. La Riba's activities are also certified by the DUMD. Similar projects are offered by other companies, advertising their services under the slogans "Islamic installment plan".

8. It is necessary to pay tribute to the ingenious choice of this particular type of commercial organization, there is clearly a pun with religious overtones.

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Entrepreneurs of Makhachkala, who actively declare their Islamic identity, talk about creating a specific business community in the city, defining membership in it by belonging to the Muslim Ummah (as a rule, one direction in Islam) and formulating business rules through the norms of Islam. I was told about the existence of a business club where 9Fiqh give advice on various business issues. Club members pay zakat in addition to taxes. Some speak of this phenomenon as a reality of the modern economy of the capital, while others doubt the scale and even the reality of such communities. However, there is evidence of how businessmen in one industry can gather for weekly meetings, combining this, for example,with the performance of collective prayer.

In the Republican press, religious issues are given a significant place. In the most popular local newspapers, there are columns that tell about various aspects of the life of a "proper Muslim". It not only contains texts on how to pray and fast, but also offers an analysis of all aspects of economic and social life - the rules for starting a business, the rules for relationships in the family and in society, and the rules for self-care. 10
There are also travel companies that focus on organizing Muslim pilgrimages, primarily to Mecca for the Hajj and Umrah11 One of them, for example, was also controlled by the Duma, but later became independent, in reality retaining its connection with the spiritual administration.

Islamic business not only generates a supply for Islamic goods (several times in interviews it was said that the owners of certain stores live in the UAE, Turkey, that is, business from there) and responds to the demand of believers. Sometimes the very occupation of this type of business can be perceived as a successful career option for those who try to adhere (or declare this desire) to the norms of Islam in everyday life, that is, work in this area becomes, in fact, a form of religious practice. The salesmen of one of the trade pavilions said that the hostess

9. Muslim law.

10. For example, the daily newspaper "Chernovik" [http://chernovik.net/kategorii-statey/religiya, accessed from 1.03.2016].

11. Umrah is a small pilgrimage, particularly to Mecca, not during the Hajj.

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this store has only been running a business related to Islamic goods for six months, and she used to sell something else that wasn't related to religion. She herself first changed her lifestyle and became a "practicing" Muslim, and then changed the direction of her business. Islamic business is perceived as halal not only for its owners. Sometimes Islamic shops and cafes focused on halal products are a good job option for girls in hijabs, while in some areas "closed girls" 12 may even be de-criminalized; in particular, they are denied employment because of the hijab. Conversely, the staff of Islamic institutions is usually recruited from"observant" Muslims.

Islamic business in Dagestan is often transnational in nature. As already mentioned, entrepreneurs who develop the sector of goods that are positioned as Islamic sometimes live outside of Dagestan and Russia, and often in countries with an Islamic majority. Some of them live "on two houses", using transnational practices not only in business, but also in their own social life. At the same time, I know of cases when it was moving to the country of the "Islamic world" that pushed former Makhachkala residents to engage in trade in Islamic goods or even their production (examples of the chewing gum manufacturer, which will be discussed below, or the owners of the Dates from Arabia store).

Hijab: Fashion and beliefs

Women's clothing is becoming one of the most popular and discussed types of Islamic goods in society. A huge number of shops selling Islamic women's clothing have appeared in the city. Moreover, most of them were opened in 2012-2015, as a result of which entire shopping streets with similar goods appeared in some microdistricts. In addition to women's clothing stores, there are also Islamic men's clothing stores in Makhachkala, but it is clothing for mu-

12. Girls who wear clothes that completely hide the body, usually except for the face and hands.

13. This is the name given to those who follow many of the rules prescribed for a Muslim in their daily life.

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sulmanok has become a truly iconic option for both Islamic goods and Islamic business.

There are shops in the city selling ready-made Islamic women's clothing, brought mainly from Turkey, to a lesser extent - the United Arab Emirates, and very rarely-Saudi Arabia. The latter, as sellers admit, are very expensive for Dagestani consumers. Therefore, now in Makhachkala, an industry is developing for tailoring dresses that meet the norms of Islam in urban ateliers. At the same time, models from Saudi Arabia are rarely copied directly (according to sellers, they are very wide and generally do not meet the tastes of Dagestani women), they are often processed to suit local tastes. So, on the classic black "Saudi" models, lace and other decorative elements are abundantly sewn, while more often dresses are sewn narrower (although they remain not fitted). In some models, the local flavor is even more emphasized - they are sewn according to the samples of the so-called "Dargin" dresses, wide dresses with a yoke (they are preferred by older women). Makhachkala Islamic fashion does not stand still and changes from year to year.In 2014, dresses with flounces and dresses on a yoke with lace were popular. A separate topic is Islamic wedding fashion, which will be discussed below.

The main element of Islamic women's clothing, which in a certain sense is the symbol of a "observing" woman, is the hijab headscarf. According to my observations, the main consumers of hijabs are young women, as well as high school students and students, that is, marriageable girls. Hijab in Dagestan has long ceased to be something unusual and is now very common everywhere: according to one of my informants, if a girl suddenly puts on a hijab, it now surprises very few people, as it was in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Hijab is often worn before marriage or immediately after it, often at the insistence of her husband. Moreover, it is worn gradually, starting with a headscarf that covers only the hair, then moving on to a bright hijab and closed, but rather tight - fitting clothes, and then to black kabalaya dresses or wide dresses of calm, often dark colors. Hijab on a middle-aged woman is less common; according to one of the informants, when an older woman "closes", she is more likely to be suspected of radicalism.

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In the context of considering the Muslim women's clothing industry, attention should also be paid to public discussions about traditional Islamic clothing in the modern life of Dagestan.

The appearance of one or another element of global Islamic fashion in the urban space of the republic is a traditional territory of lists of supporters of different points of view on urban and, more broadly, Dagestan culture. The biggest public outcry is observed around the topic of wearing a hijab by residents of Dagestan (and more generally, clothing that hides a woman's figure, with the exception of the face and hands). I have heard stories about the fundamental refusal of a minibus driver to take girls in hijabs, about the refusal of women in beauty salons to get their hair cut by "closed" girls, as well as about the extraordinary care and benevolence of citizens towards them as carriers of a high moral culture. Similarly dressed girls are more often referred to as "sister" on the street. The terminology is also interesting: adherents of hijab call such girls "closed", critics call them "wrapped up" or even "chupa-chups" (the slender figure of a young girl in a narrow or even tight dress and a head in a hijab combined with a high voluminous hairstyle caused such associations in some wits).

Supporters of the secular rules of life in the city emphasize the alienation of the hijab for Dagestan culture and suggest that women who are zealous for female Islamic piety should wear traditional headdresses of hot women, such as chokhto14 and headscarves that also meet the norms of Islam 15. Supporters of the hijab fight for it, focusing on human rights and freedom of conscience. It is worth noting that the hijab has become a symbol of Islamic identity all over the world, having passed through the process of commodification.16
If we are talking about cases of discrimination against girls in hijabs, then most often, according to interviews, they have problems when applying for a government job or when working in a foreign office.-

14. Traditional female headdress in Mountainous Dagestan.

15. Takhnaeva P. I. Hijab, chukhta and tufta / / Gazavat. Haji Murad Donnoy's website. 17.09.2011 [http://www.gazavat.ru/history3.php?rub=21&#38;art=523, accessed from 10.02.2016]

16. Navaro-Yashin, Y. Faces of the State: Secularism and Public Life in Turkey, p. 80.

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In recent years, there have been periodic conflicts related to the wearing of the hijab in the republic, since the mid-2010s this tension has slightly subsided), to a lesser extent - in higher education institutions. One of my informants says: "When I applied for a job, I was called to the rector's office, they said: "Why did you shut yourself down, don't you understand that such people are looked at differently and we will have some comments"" (M., 31 years old). Then, having agreed with the girl's choice, the employers asked her only not to wear black, so that she would not be suspected of radicalism.

At the same time, there may be other restrictions in the private retail sector - I saw job ads in local newspapers where "closed" girls were required as staff, while the profile of the shopping institution was not directly related to the Islamic industry.

Against the background of discussions about the correspondence of the proposed variants of "Islamic" women's clothing to" folk " costume, the question of the place of traditional Dagestan culture in the modern life of the republic is raised. Traditional, primarily women's, costume in the post-Soviet North Caucasian republics experienced a rebirth in the wake of national revival and interest in native culture. In the western and central Caucasus, projects for tailoring "traditional" clothing, primarily intended for celebrations and especially weddings, have become widespread - this is recorded in North Ossetia, Ingushetia, and Chechnya. In the South Caucasus - in Abkhazian and Georgian societies - this trend is also taking place. For example, you can recall the Tbilisi studio "Samoseli Pirveli", which recreated different versions of the traditional costume of many regions of Georgia and offers them as examples of haute couture17 fashion.

In Dagestan, this practice has not become widespread, and individual initiatives of the secular national intelligentsia should not be taken into account, since they have not received a response from the broad masses. Even the initiative of the head of the republic, R. Abdulatipov, to dress officials in Circassian uniforms was perceived aloof and even irritated, as clowning. In Dagestan, it is a competitor to the secular holiday industry before

17. Sytnik O. The best dress. 25.09.2014 [http://the-people.com/luchshee-plate, accessed on 10.02.2016].

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in the wedding fashion of "off-shoulder dresses", it was the hijab and the image of a "closed girl"that made a difference. According to my own observations, I can recall that 10 years ago in some districts of the republic there were signs "rental of wedding dresses" and they meant a type of "European" wedding dress - with a crinoline, neckline and other characteristic attributes. Now in the republic, the hijab at a wedding is gradually crowding out all its competitors (in one of the wedding salons in Kizlyar, its owner mentioned that wedding dresses with a cleavage and open shoulders have practically disappeared in the city, since the demand for them has fallen).

При этом и мужская исламская мода не стоит на месте. Помимо ставших классическими тюбетеек появляются мужские арабского типа рубашки-галабии и даже чалмы (такие экзотические для Дагестана одеяния нечасто, но все же видны на улицах города). Пока галабии воспринимаются как маркер радикального ислама, но еще некоторое время назад и хиджаб воспринимался так же, а сейчас это привычный вариант для всех направлений ислама. В последние пару лет обществу был продемонстрирован еще более специфический вариант женской одежды - никаб - накидка, которая оставляет лишь прорезь для глаз, а также черные перчатки к нему.

Studies of hijab practices both in Europe and in Russia - in particular, in Tatarstan - show that wearing a headscarf is not necessarily the result of imposing rules of behavior on women and pressure on women by the religious community. The decision to wear the hijab, on the contrary, is sometimes a conscious and individual choice of Muslim women, especially in societies where the opposite discourse (secular or other religious) dominates, and " thorough adherence to Islamic rules is perceived as a legitimate right, which often has to be defended in the public sphere. In this process, traditional Islam gives way to the actualization of women's rights and a multiculturalist context, within which a modernist project is being formed with a new system of cultural and moral values"18. In this case, the hijab can sometimes be part of an emancipation project-like

18. Garaev D. Povorot k islamu: praktiki nosheniya hijaba v sovremennoy Kazan [Turning to Islam: the practice of wearing hijab in modern Kazan]. 2010. p. 282.

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a condition for a girl from a religious family to leave the home circle and thus have access to education and career development, 19 or as an element of free choice for a girl who gets out of the control of a patriarchal family and goes against the local community. I have heard of similar heated debates in families where a young woman had to defend her right to wear the hijab in front of her parents or spouse.

In Dagestan, until some time ago, the hijab could also be perceived from this position. This is partly true even now; according to informants, "observant" Muslims, especially those who are opposed to the so-called "Tariqa" (Sufi) Islam, among whom there are many "closed" girls, are more focused on marriages outside their tukhum (family and kinship group) and village; rather, they have a greater capacity for marriage. ideological freedom in this case. It is worth recalling that in Dagestan society there is traditionally and now in no way loses its relevance orientation to endogamous - within the village and sometimes within the tukhum-and even in some communities cross-cousin marriages. Now that the hijab has become mainstream, it is gradually losing the power of a "manifesto". Moreover,the practice of forcing women to wear the hijab, especially by the groom or husband, on the eve of or after the wedding, cannot be denied. Such cases are not uncommon, as follows from public debates on this issue (in particular, in the press 20), and from my field data.

At the same time, the issue of hijab can also be viewed through the prism of global Islamic fashion, when it is replacing local versions of traditional women's clothing all over the world.21
Of interest is the question of the interaction of Islamic symbols and secular fashion in urban culture, and through this-about the fashion for religiosity itself, transmitted to the outside. The fact that the hijab in Dagestan is often not only a reflection of religious beliefs

19. Benhabib S. Claims of cultures. Equality and diversity in the global era, Moscow: Logos. 2003. p. 116.

20. See, for example, the information portal www.daptar.ru.

21.See Tarlo, E. (2010) Visibly Muslim: Fashion, Politics, Faith for more information about the practice of wearing and perceiving the hijab in society on the example of other communities. Oxford: Berg; Lewis, R. (ed.) (2013) Modest Fashion: Styling Bodies, Mediating Faith (Dress cultures). London: IB Tauris.

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beliefs, but also fashion, obviously. For example, in urban women, you can see "half-hijabs" - when a headscarf or scarf covers the hair, but the top layer of the scarf does not fit tightly to the neck, revealing earlobes with earrings. According to the saleswoman of one of the Islamic clothing stores, more than a third of its visitors are" unclosed " women. In fairness, it should be noted that such "half-hijabs" can be worn by women whose transition to the classic hijab is a gradual process.22 According to my observations, there are many more women and girls in Makhachkala who wear headscarves instead of hijabs - in the form of turbans that cover all their hair, but leave their necks and earlobes, as well as triangular headscarves, scarves draped over their heads, etc . these are either elderly women, or rural women who have come to the city or recently moved. Often rural women came to the city, took off their headscarves, and returning to the village, put them on again. Now headscarves, turbans and hijabs are worn by Makhachkala residents, and most often by young women and girls.

During the conversations, they repeatedly repeated that girls want to close because it is beautiful and there are so many options for fashionable clothes.

When my sister and I went to "Risalat" to buy shampoo or something, the girls say to me-and my sister is dressed (closed. - E. K.): "Don't you want to close too?" I say, " No, I don't want to." She says: "But in vain. Immediately with these things, with shawls, you can dress more and more fashionably than like this. And everyone wears their hair down." They believe that it is possible to be more fashionable so (closed. - E. K.), than when with loose hair. But I don't wear my hair loose because I want to be the most fashionable. And what is the fashion-almost the whole city goes like this! That's not the point... And they say: with this, you can wear scarves in different ways, how many fashionable beautiful scarves. That's exactly what they say "(P., 29 years old).

In the conditions when the European fashion in Dagestan is significantly reduced-in fact, short skirts are condemned.-

22. Similar variants of wearing Islamic clothing and the reflection of this experience among young Muslim women in Kazan are described in the article by D. Garaev-see Garaev D. Turning to Islam: Hijab wearing practices in modern Kazan.

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if the clothes of European subcultures, as well as the unisex style, did not initially take root, the search for fashion guidelines leads modern Dagestan society towards Muslim-majority states.23
In addition, the hijab is perceived as an additional opportunity to increase your chances of a successful marriage or get rid of a not very impeccable reputation with it, as well as increase your chances in the marriage market.

The girl is engaged, she is 15 years old, even 14. I asked why I was engaged so early, why did it come out? And my sister gave it to me: "What do you want, it's closed - naturally, they will take it" (p. 29).

Now many guys also demand that... they were closed before marriage (M., 31 years old).

Concluding the conversation about the hijab, I would like to quote from Alisa Ganieva's famous story "Salam to you, Dalgat", which is distinguished by the accuracy of transmitting the Makhachkala reality of the early 2000s.

- Zalina! Asya whispered loudly. "Look at Zainab.

Asya pointed a long burgundy fingernail at the next table, where a girl in a rich hijab was sitting.

"It's closed," Zalina said, glancing sideways at the girl's Muslim outfit.

"I knew it would close after this.

"After what?" Zalina asked.

- Well, when she was in the village, she stayed alone at night with a friend and, in short, with some guys of Maard 24 left. Her brother accidentally knocked on the door that night, but she wasn't there. In the morning she came back, they took her straight to the doctor, they say, for a check-up.

"So what?"

— I don't know. She wants to get married, now the saint will build 25.

23. Stores provide visitors with fashion magazines purchased, for example, in Turkey, so that customers can navigate the world of Muslim fashion.

24. Maarda-Avarsk. "to the mountains".

25. Ganieva A. Salam to you, Dalgat, Moscow, 2010 [http://www.litmir.info/br/?b=175433&#38;p=7postup from 01.03.2016]

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Halal Territory: Islam in the Food Industry

The term halal usually refers to products that are permitted and not prohibited for Muslims, in a narrow sense-food. At the same time, there is no complete unity in the definition of what is halal and what is not - in the Islamic world, since not all possible food products were directly mentioned in the Koran. In general, there is a consensus among theologians on most foods: for example, sea creatures and locusts are considered permissible for consumption, but dogs and donkeys are not. However, these claims are not shared by all Islamic scholars, even within the Sunni sense of Islam26. The attention of social scientists to the halal industry and, more generally, Islamic consumption began relatively recently, but this topic already occupies a certain niche in anthropological research.27 It is worth noting that the study of this phenomenon is connected with the topic of the Islamic project of globalization, the study of Muslim diasporas, primarily in Europe and the United States, and then in other regions, as well as the global market of Islamic goods as an economic reality.

If you look at the case of Dagestan, it becomes clear that everywhere in the republic, the restaurant and retail business is increasingly using references to the religious sphere when forming an assortment and developing advertising texts. "Halal" labels can be found on all kinds of food products, and this does not always imply the presence of any license from Islamic reputable institutions. The word halal / halal is written not only on the packaging of products that can be suspected of containing prohibited elements, but also on many other things. For many catering establishments, halal shawarma and halal pizza are often flagship dishes.

Most of the cafes and restaurants that had alcohol on their menu a few years ago now don't sell it. The reason, however, here, according to citizens, is not only in the increased UAVs-

26. Bergeaud-Bleckler, F., Fischer, J., Lever, J. (2016) "Introduction: Studying the Politics of Global Halal Markets", in F. Bergeaud-Bleckler, J. Fischer, J. Lever (eds.) Halal Matters: Islam, Politics and Markets in Global Perspective, pp. 1-18. New York: Routledge.

27. Bergeaud-Bleckler, F., Fischer, J., Lever, J. "Introduction: Studying the Politics of Global Halal Markets"; Fischer, J. (2011) The Halal Frontier: Muslim Consumers in a Globalized Market. Palgrave Macmillan US.

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the owners 'mischief, but also the impact on the market of the so-called "forest" products (there are rumors among the townspeople that they send "flash drives" - recorded on removable media requests to stop trading in haram products). Some argue that the "forest" only seek a ban on products forbidden to Muslims, while others say that this is a veiled form of racketeering. But disobedience in both cases leads to one thing-a violent measure (for example, an explosion of a store).

Some cafes that have just appeared recently already initially position themselves as a halal territory. An example of this is the Z&M coffee chain. Trendy cafe, European refined interior, wi-fi, dozens of names of each type of food; but-no alcohol.

There are also cafes that focus on Dagestani people who are more strict in terms of the Muslim lifestyle. An interesting example is the history of the Azbar bistro chain. It appeared in the city a few years ago and quickly won the market - more than a dozen such cafes opened in the city. A characteristic design is the predominance of wood in the interior, emphasis on dishes in the style of shawarma and kebabs. Of course, the cafe was non-alcoholic. According to the information that my colleagues told me, the founders of Azbar initially did not focus on strictly observing the norms of Muslims, but simply wanted to create a cafe with male waiters and without alcohol. At first, they recruited staff and were not satisfied with the services of those who came, but at some point they found visitors to the mosque on Kotrova Street (known in society as Salafitskaya), where many young people expressed a desire to work in a new institution. Since the first "Azbar" was located near this mosque and some of its parishioners worked there, the rest of the "Kotrovskys" began to go there for lunch. As a result, "Azbar" gradually gained fame as a club for Salafists, and so it was perceived by both those who were regulars here and those around. The Islamic orientation of the bistro began to be emphasized and actively positioned - for example, at the entrance, visitors were greeted with a sticker informing everyone that haram-illegal-is not sold here (a pig, wine bottles and cigarettes are depicted). However, very soon the visitors of" Azbar " became suspicious-

28. Members of illegal armed groups hiding in rural areas of Dagestan - "in the forest".

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They were accused of aiding illegal armed groups, repeatedly raided there, and as a result, Azbar was closed down about two years ago. Now these cafes have been sold out by other owners and they have lost their Islamic flavor.

The increased attention of law enforcement agencies to the activities of such cafes was experienced by another restaurant that positions itself as an Islamic restaurant, "Room Center". It was also repeatedly visited in 2013 by police officers for searches, suspecting some of the employees of "participating in extremism" 29.

In urban places of public catering, which do not so clearly declare their attitude to Islam, however, you can also find references to the rules that a Muslim is required to follow during a meal. For example, in one cafe with Turkish cuisine, posters are hung over the tables informing visitors of the adaba (Sharia rules) of eating with the obligatory mention of hadiths from the life of the Prophet related to the meal.

As a result, it can be noted that halal products and halal consumption as a certain cultural and religious norm actually create new economic niches, new values in various industries, but also thereby complicate the economic reality, which causes certain legal and ethical difficulties.30 A new economic activity needs its own certification system, clientele, suppliers and marketing strategies.

Inevitably, there is a question of certifying products as permissible for Muslims. In many cases, the organization that performs such certification is DUMD and other DUMS of Russia (in the case of products from other regions of the country). However, due to the fact that this organization is not authoritative for all believers (and many of those who are commonly called Salafists, it is perceived openly hostile), it can be argued that there is no single local certification center for Islamic goods in the city. For many Muslims, produced in Arab and, more broadly, Muslim-majority countries.-

29. Ostrovsky O. Welcome to Dagestan, or Witch Hunt // Human rights protection. 27.09.2013 [http://www.memo.ru/d/180487.html, accessed from 01.03.2016]

30. Coombe, R.J. (1998) The Cultural Life of Intellectual Properties: Authorship, Appropriation, and the Law. Durham and London: Duce University Press.

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products are already a priori halal - on the sole ground that they are produced in the territory where they practice Islam. Halal products can be used as an element of building a certain identity of a modern Dagestani, first of all, a city dweller. Similar identity-building by Islam-oriented groups, particularly through the consumption of halal products, is also taking place in other communities, such as Turkey. 31 At the same time, halal consumption can be perceived primarily as a challenge to the "Western" model of modernity, 32 i.e., secular. In the case of the Makhachkala case, this is also obviously the case. For example, halal cafes are becoming venues for meetings of citizens, for whom their Islamic identity is becoming a priority in many ways. A typical example is meetings of businessmen trying to conduct business in a secular state based on Sharia law. At the same time, polemics with Eurocentric secular consumption patterns are often conducted by copying their stylistics and using the same terms of commodification.

Fashion Islam - Islam as mainstream

According to my observations, one of the most important strategies of Islamic marketing is to make Islam fashionable, especially attractive to young people. Therefore, many products labeled as Islamic (produced specifically in Dagestan) appeal to the youth audience and directly or indirectly copy the "secular" brands available on the market. A typical example is the chewing gum released in Dagestan in 2015, which directly copies the popular "Love is" - "Fuad and Samira's Family", which is distinguished by inserts with comics on the family life of Muslims Fuad and Samira and their children Raihana and Jamal. All comics are made in the style of "Love is", and phrases begin with the slogan " Happiness in the family is...". It is interesting that the company that produces this product was founded by a Dagestani Ramazan Emeev (he studied at Al-Azhar University in Egypt, teaches at the Islamic Uni-

31. Navaro-Yashin, Y. Faces of the State: Secularism and Public Life in Turkey.

32. Lever, J., Anil, H (2016) "From an Implicit to an Explicit Understanding: New Definitions of Halal in Turkey", in F. Bergeaud-Bleckler, J. Fischer, J. Lever (eds) Halal Matters: Islam, Politics and Markets in Global Perspective, p. 43. New York: Routledge.

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Khasavyurt University) and is called Arabian Secrets. According to R. Emeev, the stories on the inserts are based on universal values that are common to all people, not only Muslims: respect, reverence, mutual assistance, and social cohesion.33 Indeed, on the inserts you can read neutral phrases - "Happiness in the family is to respect elderly parents", "Happiness in the family is to take care of your spouse when she is ill", but in addition to them there are exclusively Islamic instructions for believers, such as"get up together for the tahajjud prayer before dawn". The image of the comic book characters is also interesting - Fuad is depicted with a beard without a mustache, Samir and Rayhan - in hijabs (at the same time-everything is also in the style of images "Love is"). Manufacturers emphasize the halal nature of their products by explaining in detail their composition, defend the possibility of depicting living beings as the purpose of Islamic propaganda, and fight critics using the opinions of reputable alims and the experience of Arab countries.34 In addition to this chewing gum, which the authors present as a product primarily for children, adolescents and young people, the company also produced Siwak-plus gum, also positioned as a halal product 35.

Islamic clothing stores also try to be fashionable and imitate Western brands. As an example, we can recall the chain of boutiques of women's clothing "Girl in Hidjab". The store's name is written in English, with the glib slogan "Just cover yourself!"on the sign. However, on the other side there is a banner with a quote from the Koran, which informs about the need for women to wear closed clothing (spelling, punctuation and syntax of the source are preserved): "O Prophet! Tell your wives, your daughters, and the women of believing men to lower their veils (or draw them together). So they will be easier to recognize (distinguish from harlots) and will not be subjected to insults. Allah is All-forgiving, All-merciful (Qur'an: Surah 33, verse 59)." And this is not the only example of a bizarre combination of Islamic rhetoric and Dagestani glamour (imitation

33. Krainova N. Producers of chewing gum "Family of Fuad and Samira" call the project social. 30.07.2015 [http://www.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/266375, доступ от 01.03.2016].

34. Ibid.

35. Kachabekova F. Islamic project in Dagestan: wife, family, chewing gum / / Kavpolit. 06.08.2015 [http://kavpolit.com/articles/islamskij_proekt_v_dagestane_zhena_semja_zhvachka-18871/, доступ от 01.03.2016].

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well-known Western clothing brands, the use of Latin and English in the name) - stores "Abaya style" 36 and similar to them please the eye of the consumer and researcher.

Product advertising often contains references to sacred texts and links to religious holidays, events, or places. For example, the advertising booklet of a date store tells about hadiths in which the Prophet praised their taste qualities, and the counter may simply indicate their origin - "dates of Medina", where Medina, of course, refers to the story from the life of the Prophet, and not to the unique taste qualities of dates from this particular city. On the packaging of toothpaste with sivak in the text in Russian will contain a mention of the desirability of using sivak in hadiths. When you look closely at the original packaging of this paste (everything is duplicated in two languages - Arabic and English), there is not a single mention of sacred texts and not a single reference (text or graphic) to Islam. Considering such examples, I would like to suggest that here an appeal to Islam, its norms and regulations can be considered as a marketing strategy, a mechanism for promoting a particular brand.

The use of religious texts in advertising occurs everywhere and is perceived primarily as a public demonstration of the religiosity of business owners, forming their positive image in the eyes of consumers. For example, banners on a cell phone store with the logo of the Milano clothing boutique at the top tell citizens: "Allah Almighty said:" In the month of Ramadan, the Qur'an was revealed - a sure guide for people. Fasting is done for My sake, and I will repay it." The salesman-barista in the coffee shop of the shopping center of the holding "Risalat", leaving the workplace, puts up a sign "Break for namaz 5-10 minutes".

The use of templates from the secular sphere in advertising Islamic products sometimes takes on comical forms. For example, an interesting version of advertising was shown on the banner of the same holding "Risalat": "Charity event from the company Risalat. By purchasing a set of disks for the amount of 1200 rubles, get a coupon and the opportunity to receive a KIA Rio car, 3 hajj trips and 100 valuable gifts as a gift from the company." According to the teacher islam-

36. Abaya-hijab-a cape that covers the figure of a woman to the waist.

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At the Russian State University in Makhachkala, there is nothing illegal in this sentence. Nevertheless, the use of a hajj trip as a prize is more like the actions of companies that promise customers trips to southern resorts.

Islam tries to be not only fashionable, but also positive. Smileys with the slogan "Smile, this is the Sunnah" are posted in the stores of the Risalat holding, posters "We love our Prophet Muhammad" are pasted at the checkout, and similar stickers, where a combination of hearts and the name of Allah is often found on the rear windows of cars of some Makhachkala residents.

Another feature of building an Islamic business is positioning it as primarily a social project. Let me remind you that the holding "Risalat" allocates profits to the Dagestan Islamic University. In an interview with journalists, R. Emeyev, speaking about the release of the Family of Fuad and Samira chewing gum, spoke about this: "This is a social project for the benefit of society"37. As an example, it is worth recalling the already mentioned Islamic goods stores, whose owners opened this business after becoming "observant" Muslims. Business as an intangible, business as a form of religious practice is perceived as a certain distinctive feature of the Halal industry.

At the same time, it is worth emphasizing that, according to my data, the appeal to religion as an advertising strategy is rather an own initiative of business owners, and not a reflection of the policy of the authorities. In recent years, banners with hadiths installed with the support of the Duma have disappeared from the walls of houses; when R. Abdulatipov came to power in the republic in 2013, they were dismantled. In private trade, the use of religious paraphernalia has increased many times. Being, of course, both a marketing strategy in the struggle for a new buyer, and a certain fashion for religiosity, and a reflection of a certain public discussion about religion, such Islamization of space, in my opinion, becomes a consequence of the processes associated with the search for public ideology. Here it should be borne in mind that the examples of conducting Islamic business considered illustrate the powerful rise of this business sphere in Dagestan. At the same time, the market of Islamic goods balances between European standards and a new regional identity.-

37. Kraynova N. Producers of chewing gum "Fuad and Samira's Family" call the project social.

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acceptance of Dagestan as the territory of Islam and, consequently, part of Islamic civilization. Now references to Islam in the urban social and economic space are not so much a sign of Islamic radicalization, but rather the choice of a cultural reference point and the formation of new patterns of behavior, which, in particular, is becoming the Arab-Muslim east.

Advertising of products that have nothing to do with Islam often appeals to the sphere of religious (Islamic), and, conversely, Islamic products are advertised using recognizable marketing strategies and direct copying of examples from "secular" business.

The commodification of Islam in Dagestan is a new economic and social reality that affects both the religious practices of the republic's residents and the development of the local economy. Consumption of products labeled as Islamic becomes a declaration of the level and type of religious behavior. At the same time, the religiosity and orientation to the correct way of life of a Muslim are successfully "sold". As a result, the urban public space in Dagestan, which is extremely rich in Islamic paraphernalia and manifestations of Islamic consumption, in fact, becomes a platform for discussion about Islam and a forum for religiosity. The city talks to residents about religion, including through trading platforms, catering establishments and service sectors, and, as a result, communities are formed around commodifying religious practices, which are an important "building material" for the formation of modern Dagestan society.

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