Libmonster ID: UZ-1369

On December 2-3, 2013, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences hosted the international scientific conference "The Iranian World of the 2nd-1st millennium BC", organized by the Department of History and Culture of the Ancient East of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences*. Traditionally, the conference was dedicated to the memory of E. A. Grantovsky (since 1996) and D. S. Rayevsky (since 2005). Scientists from Russia (from Moscow and St. Petersburg), Ukraine (from Kiev and Donetsk) and Iran took part in the conference (directly or indirectly - through the publication of articles**).

The conference was opened by S. V. Kullanda (IB RAS), who reminded the young part of the audience that E.A. Grantovsky and D. S. Rayevsky were distinguished by their diverse interests and knowledge, as well as their extraordinary enthusiasm that infected others. E. A. Grantovsky was, in his opinion, one of the few historians who was fluent in comparative historical linguistics and brilliantly used this knowledge in reconstructing the prehistory of the NDO-Iranians. His interpretation of the reports of ancient authors about the Scythians with the help of ethnographic materials is much more professional than the ethnographers who were engaged in Scythology. Studying the Indo-Iranian castes of the Scythians, E. A. Grantovsky showed that the sequence of functions represented by the sons of Targitai was not a mistake of Herodotus. E. A. Grantovsky's works on Iranian studies are an example of the most thorough and detailed analysis of the material, leading to non-trivial and always deeply grounded conclusions. Suffice it to recall that the leading expert on onomastics of the ancient Near East of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Zadok [Zadok, 2002], recognized that it is impossible to tell more fully and better about the penetration of Iranians into the places of their modern habitation than it was done by E.A. Grantovsky. D. S. Rayevsky brilliantly used the achievements of related sciences (folklore studies, semiotics, etc.) Scythian images, clearly showing that these are not everyday scenes, but illustrations to a Scythian genealogical legend. Modern scientists, according to S. V. Kullanda, can only maintain the level of standards set by E. A. Grantovsky and D. S. Rayevsky.

M. B. Meitarchiyan (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in her report "On the fire cult in Bactria" analyzed the Bactrian archaeological sites associated with the fire cult: the temple of the XIV-X centuries BC in Jarkutan (in the excavations of which she took part); the Bustan VI burial ground, which, in her opinion, significantly differs from the funerary complexes of the early stages of the Sapalla culture; Pshaktepa burial complex in Surkhandarya region; religious premises No. 7 and No. 17 of the Early Iron Age complex of Kuchuktepa. Speaking about the cult of fire in Central Asia as a whole, M. B. Meitarchian paid special attention to the Margian temple of the turn of the 2nd-1st millennium BC at the settlement of Togolok-21, as well as to the controversy surrounding the term "Protozoastrianism" proposed by V. I. Sarianidi. Following T. P. Snesarev [Snesarev, 1969, p. 319] and B. A. Litvinsky [Litvinsky, 2000, p. 308], the author of the report came to the conclusion that the cult of fire among the peoples of Central Asia is much older than Zoroastrianism.

The report of N. M. Nikulina (MSU) was devoted to the Susa and their role in the formation of artistic style in Achaemenid art. There were several capital centers in the Persian state: the old capital of Pasargadae, the capitals of the main territories of the state that make up its foundation-Susa, Ecbatani, Babylon, and in a short time a new center was created - Persepolis. According to the speaker, Persepolis and Susa immediately moved to the first place. There could not have been a serious gap in the time of their creation, which is analytically justified. Persepolis is undoubtedly the most complete manifestation of the representative imperial style, which was finally formed during the heyday of the Persian empire in the fifth century BC.However, in the opinion of N. M. Nikulina, Susa also played an important role in the formation of this style

* Abstracts were prepared for the opening of the conference: The Iranian World II-1 millennium BC Materials of the international scientific conference dedicated to the memory of Edwin Arvidovich Grantovsky and Dmitry Sergeevich Rayevsky. Issue VI. 2-3 December 2013, Moscow: IV RAS, 2013.

** A.V. Vertienko (A. E. Krymsky Institute of Oriental Studies, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Kiev) "Armament of ancient Iranians according to the Younger Avesta: bladed weapons"; Yu. B. Polidovich (Donetsk Regional Museum of Local Lore) "Mslgunov type of bird images in Scythian art (on the question of the initial stage of the formation of the "animal style")Derakhshan Hedayatifard (Iran) "The Etymology of Gilaki Words".

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an architectural palace complex, which under Darius I was already actively searching for an optimal artistic language in terms of its expressiveness. Apadana in Susa, like the monuments of Psrsepolis, was created on the model of structures in Pasargadae, but initially it was larger than Pasargadae, and as a result of restoration work under Artaxerxes II, it approached Persepolis.

N. M. Nikulina paid special attention to the syncretic nature of the style in the visual arts of Achaemenid Iran. The images of walking bulls and lions on the glazed relief friezes of the Royal Palace of Susa offer many opportunities for analyzing artistic features. It is known that Babylonian masters took part in their creation. But the traditional Mesopotamian image is noticeably enlivened by the Greek naturopod. The author of the report offered an explanation of how the spirit of Ionic Greek art with its increased plasticity and picturesqueness penetrated the glazed reliefs of Susa (after all, it is known that the Greeks, even the Eastern ones, did not work in this technique), and also convincingly proved the participation of Greek masters in the work on the images of Persian archers from the great tsar's guard1.

The topic of interaction of artistic traditions was continued by E. V. Perevodchikova's speech "Signs of images in the Scythian animal style in a situation of cultural dialogue". In the works of the Scythian "animal style", according to the author of the report, the signs of ancient, Thracian, Koban, Achaemenid and Chinese art are quite distinguishable, which, despite all their evidence, do not look foreign, since the pictorial system of the Scythian animal style is able to select signs of other traditions and put them in their places according to its own laws. According to E. V. Perevodchikova, it is important for the study of cross-cultural contacts to know which elements were selected in the art of other traditions. Along with the division of features into significant and insignificant images in relation to the plot, which characterize the pictorial system of the Scythian "animal style", there is also a more general classification of image features. According to it, they are divided into functional (conjuring up the image of the depicted object), stylization (determining the level of its stylization) and genetic (allowing you to determine the origin of the tradition).

The author of the report tried to trace the "behavior" of all the listed groups of signs in the dialogue of visual traditions, answering the following questions:: how should these signs manifest themselves in a situation where carriers of one tradition meet with samples of another, what and how should they see in this case, what should they pay attention to, and how should certain signs taken into account by the mentioned classifications be perceived? A review of the features of Scythian "animal style" works based on some examples of contacts with other traditions (Greek in the Northern Black Sea region, Greek and Achaemenid in the Kuban region of the fifth century BC, Achaemenid and Koban in the Kuban region of the fourth century BC, Achaemenid and Chinese in the Altai) allowed E. V. Perevodchikova to distinguish both Scythian and Chinese traditions. features of borrowed features are both significant and insignificant in relation to the type of animal depicted, as well as functional and stylistic features. There are no genetic features among the borrowed traits. A different ratio of features is characterized by the materials of the Arzhan-2 mound, where genetic features are present, suggesting Chinese production. It was genetic traits that allowed us to see traces of the Chinese pictorial tradition on the golden shackles of wooden vessels from the 1st Filippovsky Kurgan. According to the speaker, similar signs should be found in the decoration of Tagar iron daggers. She comes to the conclusion that the presence of genetic traits among borrowed traits marks an intercultural dialogue of a special kind when the master and the customer belong to different cultural traditions.

S. A. Zinchenko (RSUH) in her report "On possible ways of genesis and "transcription" of the image of the Sagittarius Centaur in the art of the Ancient East" considered the following questions: what is the rationale for the existence of differences in the perception of the image of the Sagittarius Centaur in different cultures; whether it is possible to single out a certain original tradition as a source, and with what culture this tradition it may be related; if it is not possible to single out one source tradition, then what prototypes are the basis for the genesis of this type of image,

1 N. M. Nikulina emphasized that the first person to pay attention to this was B. V. Farmakovsky [Farmakovsky, 1918], and not G. Richter [Richtcr, 1946].

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what are their "percentages" and cultural origins? Special attention was paid in the report to catasterisms2, which serve as important evidence of the borrowing of a particular image for a given culture, as well as the nature and time of borrowing. Along with the cataclysms, the fact that the constellation Sagittarius was not borrowed from the territory of Aegis by the Greek culture, according to S. A. Zinchenko, is also supported by the fact that there is no image of a horse among the statuettes dated around 2000 BC (interpreted by P. Blomberg as symbols of constellations [Blomberg, 2000, p. 102]) from the sanctuaries of Petsophas and Traostalos. Rather late borrowing of the pictorial prototype of Sagittarius is connected, according to the author of the report, with the late acquaintance of ancient Greek culture with the astronomical knowledge of Mesopotamia.

After analyzing numerous written and pictorial data related to Pabilsag (the name of a well-known constellation in Mesopotamia corresponding to the constellation Sagittarius and part of the constellation Ophiuchus), S. A. Zinchenko came to the conclusion that its iconography began to take shape in the art of the Old Babylonian, Kassite and Middle Assyrian periods. Subsequently, the image was popular in Achaemenid and Seleucid art, and then in the art of the Eurasian steppes of the 1st millennium BC (petroglyph with the image of an Archer from Zhaltyrak-Tash, decoration on the sword scabbard from Kelermes mound No. 1, bearded centaur on the rhyton from Kelermes mound No. 3). Speaking about the similarity/difference of visual" transcriptions " of an image, as a possible manifestation of the borrowing process, it should be borne in mind that the latter's multi-aspect nature is most likely related to the specifics of citation.

The presentation of I. N. Medvedskaya (IVR, St. Petersburg) "On the origin of horse dress in Ancient Iran and Transcaucasia" was based on archaeological sources. Bits with braided and twisted rods, which, according to the author, should be clearly distinguished, since they were made in different ways, carved bone and horn psalms, different types of pronizi for cross straps of the headband (there are no shaped ones to the south of the Caucasus), found in the territory of the Priurmiysky district, in Karmir Bloor, Khasanlu, Sialka, etc. etc., allow us to demonstrate the independence of the addition of the horse's bridle in Iran and Transcaucasia at the end of the 2nd and beginning of the 1st millennium BC from a similar process in the North Caucasus and in the Eurasian steppes. Some elements of ancient Eastern horse dress presented in the report show links to Central and Southern Europe, but are absent to the east of Central Europe. On the contrary, the elements of the horse's bridle characteristic of the North Caucasus and the Eurasian steppes (stirrup-shaped and double-ringed bits, helmet-shaped and cross-shaped pronizi, psalms with muffs) are unknown in Iran and Transcaucasia. Special attention is paid to I. N. Medvedskaya paid special attention to the horse's bridle as proof of Sialk's strong ties with Greece.
The report of M. N. Pogrebova (IB RAS) is devoted to the Iranian world and the Caucasus in the 1st millennium BC (based on horse burials). The analysis of horse burials, in her opinion, allows us to make important observations about the interaction of various traditions in the analysis of monuments of the local territory. Different attitudes to the role of horses in the funeral ritual can serve as an indicator when determining the ethnic or cultural affiliation of a group of monuments. This situation was illustrated by comparing the monuments of Western Azerbaijan: necropolises of the turn of the IX-VIII-first half of the VII century BC in the area of AD. Kedabeka and Kalakenta belong to a single cultural community, but they differ in expressive features, manifested primarily by the attitude to the role of horses in the funeral ritual, which makes it possible to distinguish two cultural layers, conventionally called the Kedabeka and Kalakenta burial grounds. The former is characterized by the complete absence of horse skeletons and the extremely rare presence of horse skulls, while the latter is characterized by the predominance of whole horse skeletons or scattered bones belonging to whole individuals.

M. N. Pogrebova suggests that the burials of the first type belong to the local mountain population, who mixed in the VIII century BC with newcomers from more western regions (who moved from their places in search of salvation from the Urartians, who regularly made trips to these areas). The second type of burials clearly shows connections not with the western, but with the eastern regions of the South Caucasus, with the eastern regions of the right bank of the Kura River, as well as with the North-Western Caucasus. As a preliminary hypothesis, the author of the report suggests moving to the mountains a group of people from the flat and more eastern regions of the right bank of the Kura River,

2 As examples of descriptions of Sagittarius, the author used fragments of the "Cataclysms" of the Pssvdoeratosthenes (II century BC) and the second book of the "Astronomy" of Hyginus (1st century BC).

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that is, from areas inhabited by remote descendants of the creators of steppe mounds. Monuments of Eastern Transcaucasia suggest the influence of the Iranian-speaking peoples on the composition of the features of the funeral ritual in the North Caucasus (where the largest number of monuments of Scythian archaism is concentrated), M. N. Pogrebova believes.

Having analyzed the materials of the Krasnoznamensk, Kelermessky, Ulsky, and Kostroma mounds, mound 1 near the Goverdovsky farm, mound 2 and 3 of the Dysh-IV burial ground (Adygea), mounds 13 and 14 of the Novozavedennoe II burial ground, mound 1 of the Novopavlovsk burial ground, mound 14 of the Pegushin burial ground (Stavropol Territory), and the Nartan burial ground in Kabardino-Balkaria, The author of the report demonstrated that horse burials were an integral part of the Early Scythian cultural complex from the Kuban region to the central regions of the North Caucasus. Trying to answer the question about the origins of this funeral ritual, M. N. Pogrebova focused on the areas to the north of the Caucasian ridge. Burial materials from the Tereze burial ground 3 (Karachay-Cherkessia), the Zandag burial ground (Dagestan), the Fars / Klady burial ground, mound 2 of the Khadjoh burial ground, mound 1 of the Uashkhitu burial ground 1, the Kochipe burial ground, and the Pshish burial ground 1 suggest that the rite of burial of whole horse carcasses was included in the Scythian archaic complex, and later in the classical Scythian culture under the influence of the North Caucasian, mainly Proto-Maeotic, tribes.

Report by L. A. Chvyr (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) " On visual Folklore..."reaction to the recently published book by D. S. Rayevsky, M. N. Pogrebova and S. V. Kullanda [Rayevsky, Kullanda, Pogrebova, 2013]. The purpose of the report was to analyze the theoretical and methodological approach of the authors of the book and, as a result, an attempt to answer the questions of what qualities any work of art (drawing, sculpture, decorative object) should have in order to be classified as folklore, and what the authors mean by this concept (using the term "folklore" in the title of the book). is it just a metaphor or a meaningful statement? The speaker came to the conclusion that the authors do not consider the expression "visual folklore" to be a metaphor, since the entire content of the book implies that the products of the Scythian "animal style" as part of archaic art by nature belong to the oral tradition, and all other parameters of folklore works are present in visual folklore.

According to L. A. Chvyr, Ya.A. Sher was one of the first to draw attention to the deep similarity between oral verbal and pictorial traditions when studying petroglyphs, describing them as pictorial folklore on the grounds that not only the content, but also the expressive elements (i.e., poetics) of these two types of texts are similar. Then D. S. Rayevsky supplemented the already generally accepted analytical principle of unity of morphology and semantics of works of the Scythian "animal style" with a third component of pragmatics, which allowed us to focus not so much on the creation as on the use and understanding of the work. For the author of the report, as an ethnographer who analyzes the specifics of the phenomenon of folk traditional art itself, the greatest interest is that the main properties and features of the art of the Scythian "animal style" embody the "oral figurativeness" that belonged to the oral tradition of the culture of the Scythian non-written society.

Although the authors of" Visual Folklore "do not directly speak about the foundation of the oral tradition and the specifics of Scythian thinking, they actually approach the idea of a single type of thinking that ensured the assimilation of various images of the Scythian "animal style" by a wide range of neighboring and more remote populations, including most likely culturally remote tribes. Adaptations, modifications and final transformations of the samples borrowed from the Scythians did not interfere with their recognition: Scythian plastic retained not only the main parameters of the style, but also its content, which was the reason for mass borrowing and wide distribution of products of the Scythian "animal style" throughout Eurasia. According to L. A. Chvyr, the condition for their assimilation even in the culturally remote (from the Scythians themselves) environment of the Eurasian nomads of the 1st millennium BC was belonging to the oral tradition (with its inherent mythological thinking). In conclusion, the problem of archaeological and ethnographic comparisons was discussed. According to L. A. Chvyr, the experience of analyzing artefacts undertaken in "Visual Folklore" is extremely useful for ethnography, since the properties of the Scythian "animal style" recorded by archaeological materials of the 1st millennium BC. In fact, they represent "in pure form" those signs of oral tradition that are already barely discernible in traditional folk art of the XX century.

S. V. Kullanda (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) made a report on "Scythian etymologies". Noting that the Scythian words preserved by the ancient tradition often do not have a reliable etymology,

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and their generally accepted explanations sometimes contradict the established phonetic correspondences between Scythian and other Iranian and, more broadly, Indo-European languages, the speaker proposed new interpretations of some lexemes: S. V. Kullanda made a number of observations about the features of the Scythian language: in it, as in other ancient Iranian languages, the imperfect was formed using the prefix ai of secondary endings; in old Iranian Scythian, there could hardly have been a Middle Iranian drop-off of the final vowel; we do not know Scythian words where the Iranian h would have been transmitted to the Greek chi, in anlaut it would have passed into ø in Scythian, as in many other Eastern Iranian languages, which corresponds to a thin breath in Greek, in the intervocalic position the Iranian h in Scythian, as in in Pashto, Mundjan and Bactrian, it gave ø; Scythian s-before the vowel could not go back to the Iranian *s, which gave Ø in Scythian; we have no examples of ringing the intervocalic-r-in Scythian, etc.

The report of A. A. Nemirovsky (VDI) was devoted to the differences in the administrative system of the Achaemenids and possible ways of forming their ethnographic area. The speaker made a comparative analysis of the data available from ancient authors (Curtius Rufus, Diodorus, and Arrian) about this people who inhabited the eastern part of ancient Susiana (due to the place of their habitation, which remained independent for a long time, but was still conquered by Alexander the Great). The author of the report suggested not to consider contradictory reports of various historians of Alexander about uksii. According to Arrian, the lowland Uxii, under the command of the Persian satrap, submitted to Alexander without a fight, and the mountain Uxii, independent of the Persians, resisted him (under whose command, not specified). According to Diodorus and Curtius, the undifferentiated Uxii under the command of the Persian governor Madat resisted Alexander in the mountains, based on the following assumption: the governor of the plain Uxii Madat surrendered to Alexander the difficult territory of his district without a fight, retreated to the border of the independent mountain Uxii and then led a joint counteraction to Alexander. Arrian draws this course of events in detail, Diodorus and Curtius-briefly. Information from the ancient tradition about the location of the Uxia region gives the following picture: north - east of Susiana-mountain Elimei (the core of the Elimaida), east of the Elimei and north-west of Persia-Uxia (which actually identifies their area with the territory of the later Bakhtiars). The ancient division of Southwestern Iran shows a geographical continuity in relation to its division of the Elamite times of the 2nd-1st millennium. Moreover, the area of the Uxii very accurately corresponds to the Elamite sub-region of Simashki (i.e., the southern part of the vast area known as the "Simashki countries / Zabshali countries", which, according to the Shu-Suen inscription, extended from the Anchan line [= later Persida], which became part of Elam at the turn of the 3rd-2nd millennium BC).] [north-northwest] to the Upper Sea [Caspian or Lake Baikal]. Derjaceje-Nemek]).

The aim of the report by A.D. Nikitina (MIEP, Moscow) "On the formation of Elamite law in the field of Cuneiform legal cultures (on the example of the role of witnesses)" was to demonstrate that the legal cultures of the 2nd millennium BC are different regions and territories, despite the fact that each of them is based on the Sumerian legal heritage They were formed in many different ways, taking into account socio-economic, cultural, including sacred and ethical, features of the development of a particular group of communities, territorial and state entities. Analysis of more than 800 documents from Elam (inheritance agreements, loan agreements, acts of "adoption", agreements on joining the so-called brotherhood, etc.) showed that the institution of witnesses in the framework of the formation of the Elam legal culture was transformed under the influence of the neighboring Babylonian legal culture. When considering legal incidents in court, the role of witness testimony loses its all-encompassing significance, ceasing to carry ethical and sacred functions. Sacred rituals borrowed from Sumerian legal culture become the main translators of the will of higher powers, while among the oaths in the name of gods and kings pronounced in the temple, those that can directly demonstrate and prove the "guilt" and "innocence" of a particular plaintiff or defendant become the most significant for judges. At the same time, in legal relations of obligations (when a different written legal culture was formed in Elam by the middle of the 2nd millennium BC, when customary law fades into the background), according to the speaker, one can observe a significant increase in the role of witnesses who participated in signing various types of contracts, especially those containing the registration of inheritance or adoptions. In general, it is necessary to note the much archaic nature of the Elamite law of the 2nd millennium BC, since

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private documents that formalized various legal relations are much less common here than, for example, in the kingdom of Arrapha located in the north-west of the Iranian highlands.

The conference was concluded with a report by A. V. Safronov (IB RAS) "On two Iranian etymologies of ancient Greek lexemes", which dealt with the ancient Greek words "rose"and " bow". The author of the report questioned the borrowing of the first lexeme into ancient Greek from any Iranian language, since, from his point of view, there are no guarantees that this word itself did not pass into the Iranian languages from Semitic languages (given the existence of analogies of this ancient Greek lexeme in Aramaic and Arabic). It was suggested that this lexeme could be borrowed into ancient Greek from Akkadian. Regarding the second lexeme, A.V. Safronov came to the conclusion that it not only cannot be considered as an Iranian / Scythian loan word in ancient Greek (since it has been known since Mycenaean times: in linear letter B, the root to-ko-so is recorded, which is identical ), but also makes us doubt the existence of a similar-sounding word with the meaning "bow " in the Scythians in general. The name of the Scythian king mentioned by Herodotus, according to the speaker, is not connected with the word and probably comes from * taksaka-. The fact that the name is really based on an ancient Greek word does not at all prove, in his opinion, that in Scythian "bow" was designated by a similar lexeme. The absence of this lexeme in the "Avesta" suggests that in the New Persian language ("crossbow, bow, arrow") could have been borrowed at a later stage, when in the IV century BC the Greeks had already settled in the territory of the Front East.

Answering the question why the Scythian personal name contains a root, the author of the report suggested that the Greeks, who primarily associated the bow and arrow with the Scythian weapons, could etymologize the Scythian name that sounded close to them, which seemed familiar to them, as indicated by the names of the Amazons ("lady of the bow") and ("slayer of the bow"). The Amazons, who were associated in the Greek tradition with the nomadic tribes of the Northern Black Sea region, began to be depicted in Greek vase painting in Scythian costume from the end of the VI century BC. The name of the Amazon on the fragment of a red-figure vase of the VI century BC is completely similar to the above-mentioned name of the Scythian in Lukian. A.V. Safronov considers the "Scythian" name to be Greek, derived from the lexeme

In general, the work of the conference once again demonstrated that the interdisciplinary analysis of sources, whose adherents were E. A. Grantovsky and D. S. Rayevsky, only becomes more relevant and in demand among scientists of various profiles over time.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

JENAМ Joint European and National Astronomy Meeting.

list of literature

Litvinsky B. A., Pichikyan I. R. The Hellenistic temple of Oxus in Bactria (Southern Tajikistan). T. I. Excavations. Architecture. Religious Life, Moscow: Vostochnaya lit., 2000.
Raevsky D. S., Kullanda S. V., Pogrsbova M. N. Visual folklore. Poetics of the Scythian animal style, Moscow: IV RAS, 2013.
Snssarsv T. P. Relicts of pre-Muslim beliefs and rituals among the Uzbeks of Khorezm. Moscow: Nauka, 1969.

Farmakovsky B. V. Khudozhestvennyy ideal demokraticheskikh Afin [The Artistic Ideal of Democratic Athens].
Blombcrg Р.Е. An Attempt to Reconstruct the Minoan Star Map // JENAM-2000: Associated Symposium "Astronomy of Ancient Civilizations" / Eds. V.N. Obridko, V.L. Stacrman. M.: Euro-Asian Astronomical Society, Moscow State University Sternberg Astronomical Institute. Associated Symposium Astronomy of Ancient Civilizations. M., 2000.

Richtcr G.M.A. Greek in Persia // American Journal of Archaeology. 1946. № 50.

Zadok R. The cthno-linguistic character of Northwestern Iran and Kurdistan in the Nco-Assyrian period // Iran. 2002. № XL.

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