Libmonster ID: UZ-1504

(FROM THE MEMOIRS OF OLD BOLSHEVIKS ABOUT THEIR PARTICIPATION IN THE REVOLUTIONARY EVENTS (1605-1917).

During the 60 years of Soviet power, a large number of memoirs of participants of the revolutionary movement in Russia were published. The memoirs of most prominent figures of the three revolutions in our country have been published. In addition, the memoirs of a number of not so well-known, but also played a role, participants in the historical revolutionary movement have been published. Although the latter type of material is increasingly becoming the property of the readership, archives still hold many documents of this kind. Their publication helps to create a generalized picture of the broadest movement of the working people, which created a socialist world on the ruins of the old world. The purpose of this collection of memoirs is precisely to publish relevant materials from the Central State Archive of the RSFSR, which were not previously published.

Memoir testimonies of ordinary party members who participated in revolutionary events are important for learning valuable details of the historical past. Since these memoirs were usually written by their authors not for print, they have a certain specificity: the originality of speech, a special author's personality, incompleteness of the events described. At the same time, they sometimes add new interesting touches to the already known picture of the most important historical events. The authors of the publication tried to select from the materials in the archive those that most correspond to the above goals.

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Central State Administration of the RSFSR deposited the documents of the Commission for the Establishment of Personal Pensions under the Council of People's Commissars - the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR for 1923-1969. (over 37,000 cases in total). This commission was established in 1923 under the People's Commissariat of Social Security of the RSFSR by decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR "On personal pensions to persons who have exceptional services to the Republic" 1 . It initially consisted of: the People's Commissar of Social Security or his deputies, representatives of the People's Commissariats of Finance, Labor, the RCP and the All-Union Central Committee of Labor; later it also included representatives of the Revolutionary Military Council of the USSR, the People's Commissariat of Education of the RSFSR, the Society of Old Bolsheviks, the Society of Former Political Convicts and Exiled Settlers .2 The main function of the commission is to establish, increase and extend pensions for pensioners of national significance who have made special services to the Soviet State in the field of revolutionary, state, social and economic activities, or who have made outstanding achievements in the field of culture, art, science and technology.

The commission's fund consists of two groups of documents: original minutes of its meetings and personal files of personal pensioners of national significance. Pension files belong to the so-called personnel documents, the importance of which as a mass historical source in the scientific press is highly appreciated .3 They contain a wealth of information that is of great value both for historical, biographical, and sociological research, as well as for the study of the future.

1 SU RSFSR, 1923, N 15, Article 198.

2 By decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR of May 20, 1930, the Commission for the Appointment of Personal Pensions was transferred to the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, and since November 1956 it has been called the Commission for the Establishment of Personal Pensions under the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR (see SU RSFSR, 1930, No. 25, Article 325).

3 See V. Z. Drobizhev. Some issues of transmitting text from mass sources-

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study of the most important events of Russian history, including the revolutionary ones 4 . The basis of this category of cases is a certain, mandatory set of documents necessary for considering and resolving the issue of the possibility of assigning a personal pension: letters of application, autobiographies, personal personnel registration sheets, documents confirming the merits of the person (reviews, characteristics, memoirs, mandates, certificates, membership cards, photos, newspaper clippings,etc.). magazines, awards, extracts from the account cards of a member of the CPSU, etc.).

A significant percentage of personal files stored in the Central State Administration of the RSFSR are those of personal pensioners, former underground revolutionaries, participants in the revolutions of 1905 - 1907, the February bourgeois - Democratic and Great October Socialist revolutions. The most valuable documents in them are memoirs, autobiographies, references and confirmations of colleagues. They tell about the ways that the workers and peasants of Russia went to the revolution, about their underground activities during the struggle against tsarism, about their participation in the revolutionary events from 1905 to 1917, about the defense of the young Soviet Republic from interventionists and internal counterrevolution, about their work during the peace years and military exploits in the Great Patriotic War. Documents such as certificates of honor, certificates of awards, welcome addresses, minutes of various meetings, etc. are often also included in the files. Personal files often contain autographs of prominent party and state figures-M. I. Ulyanova, E. D. Stasova, N. I. Podvoysky, E. M. Yaroslavsky and others. The commission's documents are used for scientific and reference purposes by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism under the Central Committee of the CPSU, the BSE, scientific research and other institutions.

Excerpts from memoirs written by old Bolsheviks in different years are published below .5
V. I. Samsonova, V. A. Sidorova

* * *

N 1

Ivan Yefimovich Kuzmin (1882-1964) - member of the Communist Party since 1906, native of Staraya Russa, Novgorod province, participant of the revolutionary movement in Petrograd and Revel in 1906-1907, delegate to the First and Second All-Russian Congresses of Soviets, Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Novorossiysk district, member of the underground Don Regional Committee of the RCP (b) in 1918-1920, editor of the newspaper "Krasnoe Chernomorye", military commissar of the Novorossiysk special purpose detachment. From 1921 until his retirement, he worked in Soviet and economic jobs.

The events of January 9, 1905, stirred up the working masses... On the morning of January 9, I was walking with the workers from the Petersburg side to the palace, but we were met by a rifle salvo at the Troitsky Bridge. Genaev Vas (a scientist, a carpenter in Vorobyov's workshop, where I was working at that time) was walking in a row with me, he was wounded in the leg and fell in the snow. This has happened to many other comrades as well. An unimaginable panic broke out, and the masses rushed to see who was going where, but the workers soon recovered. On this day, towards evening, on Vasilyevsky Island, on the 4th line, I was building barricades with my comrades... Among the participants in the construction of barricades, I remember Dmitry Skvortsov. He and a group of carpenters brought two-handed saws and axes, and the work of felling telegraph poles began everywhere. They dragged them to the place of the main barricades...

kov. "Historical archive", 1960, N 6, p. 144; his. On some shortcomings of the methodology for studying the political and labor activity of the working class of the USSR during the years of struggle for building socialism. Vestnik MSU, 1964, N 5, pp. 15-16, 20-21; M. S. Seleznev, M. N. Chernomorsky. Questions of creating a source base on the history of Soviet society. Voprosy istorii, 1965, No. 9, pp. 18-19; A.V. Elpatyevsky. On the scientific and historical value of personnel documents. "Soviet archives", 1966, N 4; V. A. Sidorova. On the issue of examining the value of personal files. "Soviet archives", 1972, N 3, etc.

4 See, for example, M. P. Dyachkov. New documentary sources on the history of the revolution of 1905-1907 "Questions of the history of the CPSU", 1975, N 12, pp. 114-117.

5 Documents are published in extracts: omitted are texts that are not related to the coverage of the revolutionary movement or of a purely personal nature.

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In the autumn of 1905, while working at the Hoffmann baguette factory, I took part in a strike to protest the Moscow shooting, and for this I was dismissed as one of the organizers of the strike. In the summer of 1906, he worked at the Goling carpentry factory. Using tt. Petukhov and Ivanov Nik., who also worked at the factory as carpenters, I joined a cell of the RSDLP(b). Since September 1911 I went to work at the Siemens & Galske plant, where party and trade union work was fairly successful. I was assigned by the commissioner for fundraising to the Bolshevik Press Foundation. As a collector, he was associated with the editorial office of the newspaper Zvezda, and then with the newspaper Pravda. Since the spring of 1912, after the Lena shooting... my friend is among the others! We had to do a lot of work to prepare the plant for the May Day strike. In 1912, the May Day strike at the Siemens and Galske plant resulted in a hundred-day political strike... During the strike, I was always in contact with the editorial office of the newspaper Pravda, and I received information about donations coming to the strikers from all over Russia through the editorial office of the newspaper Pravda.

From the end of 1913, he moved to the apartment of Comrade. To Naumovich, an old Bolshevik with whom he worked for Siemens and Galske, our apartment became a real Bolshevik safe house. Party meetings, turnouts, and re-mailing of literature were commonplace. At the beginning of 1915, surveillance of our apartment began. In April 1915, my house was searched, and I was arrested and imprisoned in a house of pre-trial detention. At the end of May, I was expelled from St. Petersburg and deprived of the right to live in industrial centers. I went to my native town of Staraya Russa, and in September 1915 I moved to Reval and joined the Becker shipyard, where an old friend of mine worked. Upon entering the Becker plant, he was selected as a member of the board of the Health insurance Fund. Party work at the factory was carried out intensively, especially among the Estonian group of workers... In 1917, during the February Revolution, the Becker plant was the first to act, and the workers of the plant... they threw out the slogan " Down with the war!" and they led other factories and factories, military units and the navy... I took the workers to the port where the navy was stationed. After some hesitation, the ship's crews disembarked and joined us.

From the first day of the February Revolution, I was elected to the Council of Workers ' and Military Deputies of Reval, and then-a member of the Gubernia executive committee and worked until October 1917. During this time, he was selected by the party line of the Bolshevik faction in March as a delegate to Helsingfors... He was a participant in the meeting of V. I. Lenin and participated in all the first party meetings held in the presence of Comrade Lenin. Lenin, and was also at the report when Vladimir Ilyich announced his theses... In early October 1917, he was sent to St. Petersburg for the evacuation of the Revel factories. When I arrived in St. Petersburg, I was instructed by the Bolshevik party organization to go to Nizhny Novgorod to transmit secret orders to the Nizhny Novgorod party organization, and the Zavodskoy party organization to the St. Petersburg head. "Siemens and Galske" was instructed (along the way) at the Nizhny Novgorod plant "Siemens" to mobilize the Bolshevik forces for armed training. This task was completed.

September 10, 1934. An autograph. Typescript. Central State Administration of the RSFSR, f. 539, op. 5, d. 565, ll. 49-56.

N 2

Kruglov Ivan Sergeevich (1886-1972) - a member of the Communist Party since 1905, a native of the village of Novo-Zastolye, Bezhetsky uyezd, Tver province., a sailor of the Baltic Fleet in 1908-1917., a participant in the revolutionary battles in Petrograd, a delegate to the III All-Russian Congress of Soviets, in 1917-1919. member of the Tver Gubernia Executive Committee and chairman of the Tver Gubchek for the fight against counter-revolution and sabotage, political commissar of the Volga-Caspian Navy in 1919-1920. From 1921 until his retirement , he worked in a leading economic position.

In August 1905, I joined the RSDLP(b) through a group of workers at the Guk dye factory and other enterprises in the Vasileostrovsky district. The party circles were led by Makar, also known as t. Nogin, Vasily Petrov (Rechkin Factory), Gerasim Makarov

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(Hooke's factory). After joining the party, I was assigned to distribute literature among the sailors of the 14th and 18th naval crews, since the INR had to come into contact with them most of all when working in the Finnish Shipping Company during the summer. It was possible to establish a close connection between the sailors and the workers and even get the necessary weapons from the sailors for the organization. Subsequently, the party organization was formed through the seaman of the 18th crew, vol. Kozlova had connections with the Kronstadt sailors, the Social Democrats - Bolsheviks...

In 1907, at the suggestion of the party organization, I left St. Petersburg with a mandatory appearance in Libava and joined the steamer of the Eastern Commercial Society. For about a year I sailed as a sailor on transport-I carried coal from England, while at the same time having a connection with the local party organization. In 1908, in October, I had to go to the royal service. For this purpose, I arrived in the Tver province for conscription. On the advice of the Vasileostrov organization (which I visited on my way to Tver), I had to get into the fleet without fail... On November 1, 1908, I was assigned to the 2nd Baltic Fleet Crew.

Without breaking off my connection with the Vasileostrovsky Party organization, I received a link with the Vyborg organization and through t. Vinogradov (Rosencrantz factory) had assignments and conducted work among recruits: he read leaflets, brochures, and conducted conversations with some sailors. During one conversation, he was suspected by the boatswain Novikov, as a result of which he was arrested and put in a punishment cell, where he spent three months; he pretended that these books were found in the papers.

In the summer of 1909, I was recruited from a cadre company for ships, and I got on the cruiser Aurora. This cruiser was preparing for a foreign voyage. I quickly got used to the sailors and led the revolutionary work through the sailors Moskalenko, Limonov and Ivanyuk. I didn't have to spend much time on a foreign voyage: in December 1909, I had to leave. I was arrested along with the other sailors. Some of them had illegal literature found in their beds.

When the investigation was launched, I was also involved, sent to the transport "Ocean", which was returning from a foreign voyage. We were taken off the cruiser Aurora in the Mediterranean and taken to Libava. From Libava, we, 18 sailors, were escorted to St. Petersburg and put in a naval prison... I was initially sentenced to five years in a disciplinary battalion, subsequently my case was singled out, and the Maritime Supreme Court sentenced me to two years of solitary confinement... In February 1912. I got out of prison and was sent as a seaman in the category of penalties on a man-of-war...

In 1913, in December, I left the service as a seaman of the second article in the category of penalties. I returned to my homeland from military service, but only stayed there for two months. The difficult situation of my family in the country again forced me to look for work, and I went to St. Petersburg and entered the Finnish Light Shipping Company as a skipper. With the declaration of imperialist war, he was mobilized and sent to Kronstadt on the ship of the minelayer Narova, having a party turnout on this ship. There, among the mobilized workers were Bolsheviks (a worker of the pipe factory Bogdanovich N., the Lessner plant T. Medvedev S., etc.). The ship Narova was sent to Helsingfors, where the Baltic squadron of ships was concentrated, among which we were working. In 1915, from large ships, some unreliable sailors were written off to the shore, on small vessels. From the Narova, I was also decommissioned to the Gulf of Riga (on the Kapsul minesweeper, and then on the Karambol).

The bourgeois-democratic Revolution of 1917 found me blistered on the Gulf of Riga under the Ust-Dva Fortress... I was elected chairman of the ship's committee by the sailors of the Karambol, and after that I organized a divisional committee, which included the Gunboat and the Threatening. I contacted the Riga Committee of the RSDLP (b), the Helsingfors Party organization and the Central Baltic, where I was introduced as a member of the Riga Group of Ships.

June 15, 1940. An autograph. The manuscript. Central State Administration of the RSFSR, f. 539, op. 5, d. 157, ll. 132-134.

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N 3

Gavriil Alekseyevich Piskarev (1888-1953) was a member of the Communist Party from 1906, a native of Skorodumki village, Klin District, Moscow Province, a participant in the Moscow December 1905 armed uprising and the battles in Moscow in 1917, a Red guardsman, and a participant in the civil war. From 1920 until his retirement , he worked in Soviet and economic jobs.

In October 1905, mass workers ' meetings and meetings began (in the Aquarium Garden, the Hermitage Museum, the Polytechnic Museum, the University, and other places), where speakers from different political parties presented the political and economic situation of Russia and the goals and objectives of the working class in different ways. As a young worker, still in my teens, I became interested and fascinated by these meetings. I liked best the speeches and speeches of the speakers of the Social-Democrats - Bolsheviks tt. Smidovich, Litvin-Sedoy and others. the Bolshevik comrades who called on the working class to fight against the tsarist autocracy, against the oppressors-the capitalists, manufacturers and breeders, against the bankers and landlords-for a people's democratic assembly, for a people's democratic government, for an eight-hour working day, for freedom of the press, speech and assembly, for workers ' trade unions, for freedom of movement, and for freedom of movement. political parties and other revolutionary slogans. I became more and more imbued with the consciousness and conviction that the only correct thing to say and call on the working class to fight is the Bolsheviks, so we must follow the Bolsheviks and support the Bolsheviks.

In October 1905, after the news of the murder of the Bolshevik Comrade Stalin had spread through Moscow. All the workers were outraged and embittered by this heinous murder. On the day of Comrade's funeral. Bauman managed to persuade his workers to stop working and go to Comrade's funeral. Bauman and join the thousands of demonstrators moving through the streets of Moscow. For this I was dismissed from the workshop the very next day. In November 1905, I joined the Moscow Tramway in the Uvarovsky (now Artamonovsky) Park as a house painter. At this time, a revolutionary mood was growing among the tram workers, as well as among other Moscow workers, and meetings of workers, conductors, and car drivers were held every day to discuss political and economic issues. The speakers called on the workers to fight through strikes and armed insurrection against tsarism. Armed fighting squads were organized among the workers and workers who wanted to join these squads were registered. Together with other young tram workers, I also enlisted in the Miussky Tram Park combat squad, a detachment of comrades. Vinogradov and took part in the battles on the barricades on Lesnaya Street...

After the defeat of the December armed uprising, fearing reprisals from the police, in 1906 I joined the Sokolniki wagon Workshops (now the SVARZ factory), where I continued to take an interest in political life and take an active part in it. At that time, this factory employed about 600 workers (at that time it was a large factory). Among the workers of this factory, there were many party members belonging to different political parties. The Bolshevik organization numbered in its ranks about 18-20 people. I began to carry out various small party tasks. For my activity and accuracy... the Bolshevik comrades began to assign me more responsible tasks: distributing illegal proclamations and newspapers, collecting money among the workers to support the families of arrested comrades, communicating with the workers of neighboring factories and handicraft workshops located in the Sokolniki district: the Mussi silk-weaving factory, the tram park, the Shaposhnikov-Chelnokov woodworking factory, and the pasta factory "Ding", Krasnoprudnaya electric substation, etc. Often it was instructed to inform the workers of enterprises about the appointed extras, who in 1906 were appointed to the city. very often they were held in the Sokolniki Forest. I was fascinated by this political work, and I was proud to be assigned party tasks, and tried to complete them quickly and accurately...

In November 1906, the party organization of the factory accepted me into its ranks, and from that moment I became a member of the RSDLP (b). In 1906, the workers of the factory elected me as a delegate.-

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Volume of the board of the trade union of low-level employees and workers of the Moscow City self-government (Union of Communal Workers)... In February 1907, a strike broke out among the tram workers of the Miussky tram park, which then covered all the workers of tram enterprises and electric stations in Moscow. A strike committee was elected to lead the strike. The strike lasted more than a month. On July 19, 1907, a large detachment of police unexpectedly surrounded the factory and, under the command of a bailiff and security guards, made a general search of the workers ' cabinets, looking for illegal literature and weapons. The clerk, T. Shalin, was immediately arrested and taken away. All the workers stopped working, went out to the factory yard and demanded that the bailiff release the arrested comrade. The bailiff ordered the policemen to disperse the assembled workers, the workers began throwing stones at the police, the policemen took their weapons at the ready and fired several shots into the air, the workers dispersed. On the same night, many workers, including myself, were searched in their apartments, and the police searched for illegal literature, weapons, and blank blank passport forms. They found Kautsky's book The Erfurt Program in my possession...

In 1909, a new tram strike was being prepared, but it was not carried out due to mass arrests among the workers, and I was among those arrested. After a four-month prison sentence in Taganskaya prison, and then in Butyrskaya prison, I was sent from Moscow to Perm Province, Cherdynsky uyezd, Kossa village, for 2 years under police supervision. For escaping from exile, which was unsuccessful, the term was extended by another 6 months. In 1912, after returning from exile to Moscow, he was taken as a soldier for active service and sent to the 21st Infantry Division. Murom regiment to Poland. The regiment was an underground military political organization that maintained contact with the Warsaw organization of the SDLP of Poland and Lithuania, from where it received illegal literature: leaflets, proclamations - and distributed them to soldiers. I joined this organization and conducted underground propaganda work among the soldiers.

On May 1, 1913, a secret May Day for soldiers was organized, which was attended by about 150 people. A speaker came from Warsaw and we dressed him in a soldier's uniform. The crowd took place in the forest under the guise of playing cards and an eagle and went well, but a week later the regiment commander Colonel Novitsky found out about this crowd, he was informed of the names of the organizers of the crowd. The regimental commander subjected us, 5 soldiers, to strict arrest in the brig in solitary cells for 15 days with the deprivation of the right to leave the barracks for one month and warned: if repeated, he would put us on trial in the prison companies. Colonel Novitsky F. F. was a liberal-progressive man and sympathized with the revolutionary movement. During the Civil War, he went over to the side of the Soviet government and participated in the battles against the whites together with M. V. Frunze...

In March, 1914. I was discharged from active military service, and in August of the same year I was re-mobilized in connection with the outbreak of the imperialist war and was sent to the front in the East Prussian region. When I arrived at the front in 1915, I was wounded and sent to a hospital in Moscow for treatment. While at the front, I often, at great risk to my life, conducted conversations and conversations among the soldiers about the senselessness of war, about the fact that workers and peasants, Russian, German, English, French and others, dressed in gray overcoats, do not know what they are shedding blood for and who they are defending, and to whom we need this war. Having been released from military service, in 1916 I joined the Zolotorozhsky tram park as a painter-painter, where I started underground revolutionary-political work with my comrades among the workers, conductors and car drivers of the tram park. We establish contact with the workers of the Gujon factory and soldiers of the Astrakhan barracks, located next to the tram park.

In 1917, in the very first days of the February Revolution, he led an open revolutionary movement among the workers of the tram fleet, called on them to join the revolution, and led them to a demonstration. On March 1, 1917, the tramway workers unanimously elected Mentz, as a Bolshevik, as their deputy in the Moscow Soviet of Workers ' Deputies of the first convocation. In March 1917, when he came out of the underground, he organized a legal party cell of the RSDLP(b) in the tram park and began recruiting politically conscious and revolutionary workers to join the party.-

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chikh, conductors and car drivers who shared the policy of the Bolsheviks. At the very first district party conference, he was elected a member of the Rogozhsko - Simonovsky district committee of the RSDLP(b) and worked together with com. A fellow countryman of R. S., who was then the secretary of this district committee. On the instructions and instructions of the MK and the district Party committee, I often spoke at large meetings and meetings as a speaker and agitator, as a deputy of the Moscow Soviet, spoke at the plenums of the Moscow Soviet, and together with other Bolshevik comrades waged a merciless struggle against the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, who at that time were the majority of the Moscow Soviet. In 1917, during the Moscow District Duma elections, I was elected a member and chairman of the Fifth Rogozhsky District Duma...

On my return from Petrograd from the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets to Moscow, on October 28, I took part in the Moscow armed uprising against the junkers and carried out tasks of the Moscow Military Revolutionary Committee. At the end of the street fighting in the streets of Moscow, when the Junkers had surrendered and the Bolsheviks were victorious, I was assigned to work with com. Smidovich to disarm the cadets of the Alexander Military Cadet School on Arbat Square.

November 18, 1946. An autograph. Typescript. Central State Administration of the RSFSR, f. 539, op. 5, d. 557 ll. 21-30.

N 4

Praskovya Fyodorovna Sakharova (1890-1969) - member of the Communist Party since 1912, native of the village of Taidakovo, Tula province, participant in the revolutions of 1905 and 1917, chairman of the Sewing Workers ' Union in 1919-1922, member of the Central Committee since 1923. At the XVII Congress of the CPSU (b), she was elected a member of the Party Control Commission; in 1933, she was awarded the Order of Lenin for her party work among women.

I was expelled [from Moscow] in 1912 with a ban on living in 63 settlements. It was forbidden to live in university towns, industrial centers, the Baltic States and the Turkestan Region. After Butyrskaya prison, I had to leave Moscow with an indication of the place... I decided to go to Vologda, and they gave me a passing certificate. I left Vologda for Totma, where my husband V. V. Sakharov was exiled. After living in Totma for five months, I returned to Moscow and began to live illegally. In 1913, on the occasion of the 300th anniversary of the House of Romanov, an amnesty was granted to political exiles, under which my husband also fell, and in June he returned to Moscow. I had no right to live in Moscow. We couldn't find any jobs, because the owners of large sewing workshops were blacklisted as unreliable, and therefore they didn't take us to work in sewing workshops. In this situation, that is, without work, we lived for two months. Life was becoming difficult. At this time, we learned that people came from Tashkent who hire skilled workers-tailors and dressmakers-to the Yaushevs 'company for making upper ladies' dresses based on Parisian models. After consulting with our comrades, who understood the hopelessness of our situation (unemployment), we decided to go.

At that time, we knew very little about the Turkestan region... and so, when we arrived in Tashkent, we were amazed by what we saw there. It was a colony in the most undisguised form. Uzbeks in bad, poor robes on donkeys were not allowed to ride along Kaufman Avenue. In trams, Uzbeks were also not allowed to get into the first car, and if they unknowingly entered the front car, the conductor or car driver pushed them out of the car. The women were nowhere to be seen, and if they appeared, they were wrapped from head to toe in some kind of hoodie with a burqa over their face. Tashkent is a beautiful city. Beautiful streets lined with white acacia and poplars. The houses are two - and three-storeyed. But this is a new city, where most of the military, bourgeoisie, and merchants lived. There were almost no Uzbeks, especially Uzbeks. There was also an old town, consisting of small mud huts made of clay, where the Uzbek population lived exclusively. In one of these houses, bordering one of the streets of the new city, we settled. In the workshop of the Yaushev brothers, where we started working, we met three politically minded comrades: Yakov Parfenov, Prokopy Sapozhinsky and Tsarev.

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"Where do I start?" - we thought with V. Sakharov... We decided to work among garment workers and, first, to unite all advanced workers, and secondly, to develop a charter and open a professional union of garment workers. Since my husband and I received a relatively large salary, we wrote out the newspaper Pravda for several workers and suggested that our group find people to whom we could write out this newspaper so that we could then transfer it to other workers ' workshops. These were found, and Pravda became the favorite newspaper of many sewing workshop workers. Then we began to hold meetings for the Pravda Foundation, which were held with great enthusiasm. For secret purposes, in order to hide the organizational work of our group, the training sessions were conducted by the workers themselves in the workshops. Thus, agitation among the workers began to grow, and we created a circle that included all our assets. V. Sakharov, who is also the head of the circle, Sapozhinsky, Parfenov, Tsarev, Kolesnikov and P. Sakharova studied political economy. We read the magazine Prosveshchenie, which published articles by V. I. Lenin under the pseudonyms Ilyin and Tulin. We also used our own money to write out Prosveshchenie .

Once, on a Sunday afternoon, we held a mass meeting on the banks of the Salar River, which was attended by workers from many workshops who had already joined some social work. Sakharov spoke at this crowd, pointing out to the audience the importance of trade union organizations, the education and political growth of workers, the strengthening of their solidarity in the fight against entrepreneurs, and emphasizing that workers alone will not achieve anything, but in an organized way, by uniting in trade unions, they can achieve a lot. His speech was so vivid and convincing that it deeply sank into the hearts of the workers. Workers in many workshops began to say that such meetings should be held more often. Our six (In. Sakharov, P. Sakharova, Sapozhinsky, S. Tsarev, Kolesnikov, Parfyonov) decided to gather after work in groups in teahouses, but only in those where there were fewer people, and hold conversations there about what she had read in Pravda and the magazine Prosveshchenie, as well as among reliable workers ' workshops. It was very difficult for me, a woman, to be alone among men at that time. The incident helped me get out of this difficult situation. We lived in an apartment with an Uzbek. Not far from our house, in a quiet and cool place, there was a teahouse, where my husband and I often went after work. The owner of the kebab shop and the other Uzbeks were used to us being together, but they always looked at me unfriendly. Then V. Sakharov asked the owner of our house to explain to the owner of the teahouse that we are his tenants, husband and wife, that our comrades with whom we work together go with us. The owner fulfilled our assignment, after which we were treated more trustfully and attentively not only by the owner of the teahouse, but also by the Uzbeks present who were there at the same time as us. Then we decided to arrange our group conversations in this teahouse. The other teammates held conversations in other teahouses.

Having thus established contact with the tailor workers of almost all the workshops in Tashkent, we began to look for connections with railway workers, and also wanted to find out if there were any revolutionary Uzbek organizations. It was impossible, we thought, that under such a servile regime created by the governor of the Turkestan region, the Uzbeks would not have a revolutionary organization. We met a certain Komalov, who considered himself a social Democrat and was a member of one of our groups. When we asked how we could establish contact with the Uzbeks and railway workers, he said that he knew an Armenian who visited the Uzbeks, and through him we could establish contact with the revolutionary-minded Uzbeks. Komalov turned out to be a provocateur, he betrayed our entire group, and in March 1914 they were all arrested.

I began to wait for my expulsion from Tashkent. Very secretly, I organized a fundraiser for the families of arrested workshop comrades, which was held consciously and with a great sense of comradely duty. Everyone was eager to help. Then I sent a telegram to the State Duma with the following contents: "To the State Duma. To the Social-democratic faction (Bolsheviks). On the night of March 13, V. Sakharov, S. Tsarev, Y. Parfenov, F. Zakharov, Kolesnikov, Sapozhinsky - all workers of sewing workshops-were arrested in Tashkent." At the telegraph office, I was sent to-

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Guo was asked what kind of faction it was. I stated categorically that there was a workers ' Social-democratic group (Bolsheviks) in the Duma, and I was informing it of the persons arrested. Subsequently, the text of this telegram was published in the newspaper "Russian Vedomosti". After some bickering, the telegram was accepted. I was sure that I would be charged with either expulsion or arrest. However, soon after the telegram was sent, all the arrested comrades were released from prison. All of us were issued a passing certificate and sent out of Tashkent in 24 hours. We indicated that we would go to Saratov. In Saratov, we managed to get our passports in our hands, and we left freely for Moscow. In Moscow, I joined Bulanina's workshop. The women workers there were very backward, not even unionized. I worked among them, and many signed up as trade union members.

In 1914-1915. I worked on propaganda among women, took part in organizing clubs, distributing leaflets. I had an illegal library and a party cash register. A great deal of work was carried out against the participation of workers in the military-industrial committees in the enterprises where the Mensheviks and Defencists tried to draw the workers... After the arrest of the Duma five-members of the State Duma Petrovsky, Badaev, Muranov, Samoilov and Shagov, we were sent a photographic card on which they were photographed by a group in prison coats and hats during their stage in Siberia. He printed these cards for us... Baryshnikov. We distributed them among the workers, pointing out how the tsarist government dealt with the workers ' elected representatives. At the same time, the distribution of cards replenished our party cash register. At the beginning of 1916, about the month of March, this same Baryshnikov brought me 500 cards of members of the State Duma to my apartment. After he left, about two hours later, the police, led by a bailiff, came to me and began to conduct a search. It was obvious that they were looking for cards. But my mother and I hid them in the attic, where the police didn't go and so couldn't find them. The bailiff told me that regardless of the result of the search, he had a warrant for my arrest. I was arrested and taken to Butyrka prison. Later it turned out that Baryshnikov was a provocateur, and he gave us away... After spending three months in the Butyrka prison, from where I was taken several times at night for questioning to the security department, I was sent to the Hungry Steppe in May 1916.

The February Revolution found me already in Eastern Siberia, in the Irkutsk province, in the village of Kachuga, on the Lena River. As soon as our colony learned that the Romanov government had fallen, without waiting for an amnesty, we left exile and rode 300 versts to Irkutsk on a sledge. In Irkutsk, we learned that an amnesty had been granted to political exiles and prisoners. Thousands of former political prisoners from all the hard-labor prisons gathered in Irkutsk: Alexandrovsky Central, Chita, etc. When I arrived in Moscow, I briefly served as secretary of the city's party committee, then joined the garment workers ' trade union.

1955. Typescript. Autograph. Central State Administration of the RSFSR, f. 539, op. 5, d. 26, ll. 13-15.

N 5

Alexey Ivanovich Barukhin (1895-1969) - a member of the Communist Party since 1912, a native of the village of Kolotovo, Kargopolsky Uyezd, Arkhangelsk province, a participant in the revolutionary events and the struggle against counterrevolution in Petrograd, the Terek region and the Mountain Republic, a delegate to the First Terek Congress of Soviets, a member of the Terek Regional Executive Committee in 1920. From 1921 until his retirement , he worked mainly in the party. Awarded the Order of the Red Banner.

The revolution of 1905 - 1907 was thundering in the country, when I worked at a sawmill in Onega, Arkhangelsk province. There was a large colony of political exiles in this city. I lived among them, and during the long polar nights I listened to arguments about the ways of liberating the Russian proletariat, which I did not understand at that time. But on the other hand, I was willing to run various errands. In the spring of 1907, on Sundays, I carried notes from exiles, various bundles and papers about the factories, about the city-

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bodki and the nearest villages. The exiles praised me and encouraged me in every possible way. As a result of the exiles ' activities, the first (and largest) May Day demonstration of sawmill workers and political exiles took place in Onega in 1907. The police could do nothing about the mass of people and locked themselves in their headquarters, and the city was at the mercy of demonstrators all day. It was the first May Day demonstration in my life with red flags and revolutionary songs.

Soon the colony was stirred up by the death of an exiled comrade from tuberculosis. He was a worker at the Kharkiv Locomotive Plant. I shared an apartment with this exiled man. His name was Nikolai Alexandrovich (I forgot his last name). Seeing my precocious 12-hour hard work, my flatmate took pity on me, took care of me, and taught me to understand life. "When you grow up, Alyosha,"he often said to me," then go to the big factory, and there you will understand what life is like." A large number of people flocked to the funeral of Nikolai Alexandrovich. Strong hands lifted the coffin with the body of my friend and carried it across the city singing "Eternal Memory" and "You fell a victim in the fatal struggle", while ahead on a high shaft a Red banner with a black fringe of mourning fluttered and flapped loudly in the strong polar wind. On the way, I was assigned to throw out leaflets printed on a hectograph in the crowd. At the grave of a comrade, speeches were made in Russian and Georgian (there were many Georgian peasants in Onega).

This was the second demonstration in my life that the police could not do anything about and did not interfere with it at all. But on the other hand, when I was returning home from the cemetery in the polar twilight, a man grabbed me in his arms, dragged me to the police station and put me in front of my superiors. This man, who turned out to be a policeman in disguise, assured his superior that he himself had seen me throwing leaflets in the street. I was interrogated, but I cried and stubbornly insisted that I knew nothing about the funeral, not only about any leaflets, because I was at the time staying with my mother, who was working in the same town as a cook for the official on peasant affairs Nikolsky. To my surprise, the requested Nikolsky confirmed that I was indeed visiting my mother in the kitchen during the funeral. This was my first arrest for revolutionary activities.

In the spring of 1910, I joined the Cuban Glass Factory (Vologda Province) as a valve operator. The workers here were terribly backward, downtrodden. At the suggestion of the administration, they spent a long time collecting a large sum of money and purchased a huge icon of St. Nicholas with a gold-rich kiosk, installed it in the middle of the factory and burned an unquenchable lamp in front of it. At the same time, they themselves lived in incredible need, an eternal debt to the owner for the substandard products they received from him through pick-up books, and died like flies from tuberculosis and other diseases. In the autumn I arrived in St. Petersburg and, remembering the order of my Onega guardian, I first entered the yard as a laborer at the machine-building plant of the joint-stock company Ya. M.Aivaz. In common parlance, this plant was called "New Aivaz". Soon I was working on a drilling machine in the workshop of a huge modern factory.

In the spring of 1912, the echo of volleys on the Lena River stirred up the entire working-class Petersburg. Our factory announced a protest strike in response to the insolence thrown in the face of workers ' Russia from the rostrum of the State Duma by the tsarist Minister Makarov: "So it was, so it will be." The workers of Novy Aivaz, headed by Mikhail Kalinin, declared in their protest resolution that this was the case, but it will not be so again! Participation in a mass labor demonstration over the Lena shootings was my first baptism of fire in St. Petersburg. M. I. Kalinin's influence on young people and his conversations with us were crucial in defining the political physiognomy of many of us. 1912 was an eventful year for me. Soon a powerful May Day strike broke out, the Metalist trade union was formed, and our Pravda was published. I took part in all these events: I collected donations for Pravda and read with a sinking heart in it that so many workers had gathered at Novy Aivaz; I persuaded young people to join a trade union and participated in the first organizational meeting at Countess Panina's house on the Vyborg side; I went to secret youth meetings where the old Bolsheviks taught us to be smart. In that

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In 1912, the Aivazovites went on strike for three months. To survive, we had to be diggers, builders, and so on. Next to Aivaz, a large factory building was being built, and I was sitting astride it, drilling steel floor beams at the 5-story height of the building. This building has now become known throughout the country as the Svetlana Light Bulb Factory. At the end of 1912, I was brought to a secret party meeting by our repair mechanic Borisenko, who supervised my work, and recommended me as an active and good comrade. Many people already knew my activism, and I became a Bolshevik.

In 1913, at the May Day demonstration, the Aivazovites had a big fight with the police, who tried to take the Red Banner away from us and disperse us. A group of workers, about 40 people, were chased into the yard of the police station in Lesnoye and severely beaten, including me. An imperialist war has begun. My close friend Volodya Ilyin, not wanting to serve in the army, joined the post office, but the postman's uniform did not protect him from mobilization, and soon I went to see him in Krasnoe Selo, where the 1st Petrograd Regiment was encamped. Here, relying on Ilyin, I agitated among his fellow soldiers for the transformation of the imperialist war into a civil war against their own, the domestic bourgeoisie. Soon I was dismissed from the factory as unreliable, but I entered the Old Lessner factory. Here I was elected secretary of the factory party collective and became a member of the Vyborg district committee. By this time, many of the old Bolsheviks were either in prison or had gone to the front. On the shoulders of the young Bolsheviks of the factory, among 8-10 people, fell the task of directing the political life of the factory with a team of two thousand workers.

Despite the hindrances of the Defencists-Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries-until the February Revolution itself, that is, for two years, we held the banner of our party high with honor, and more than once led the workers ' clashes with the administration. In the course of 1915-1916, we had more than once to take the workers out on the streets at the call of the party and engage in an open struggle against the autocracy. The Vyborg district committee gave me serious instructions personally. For example, January 9, 1916. I performed at the Old Parviainen factory. Night and day shifts of 4 thousand workers left the factory singing revolutionary songs and shouting slogans: "Down with war", "Down with autocracy". For a long time, in order to save me from arrest, my comrades did not allow me to speak at all-factory meetings of workers, but at the end of 1916 I had to speak anyway, and soon I was arrested on charges of belonging to the Bolshevik Party and stayed in Kresty until the February Revolution of 1917.

On February 27, 1917, the insurgent workers and soldiers liberated us from Kresty. After defeating the remnants of the tsarist regime in street battles, we returned to our factory, where I immediately set about creating a Red Guard detachment on behalf of the party organization. The young people knew me before the revolution, which made it easier. Young workers willingly joined the Red Guard, and soon the Naga detachment, under the motto "Forward!", grew into a well-put together combat unit. The old soldier Siloenkov was appointed chief of the detachment, and I became a member of the staff with the functions of a political commissar. Soon I was elected to the committee of factory prefects, and in the October days I became its chairman.

January 10, 1947. An autograph. Typescript. Central State Administration of the RSFSR, f. 539, op. 5, d. 190, ll 90-108.

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